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required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


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d'imeges  nAcessaira.  Las  diagrammas  suivants 
illustrant  la  mithode. 


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JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 


\ 


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ABRAHAM  LINCOLN   EDITION 

• 

VOLUME   15 

THE  CHRONICLES 

OF  AMERICA  SERIES 

ALLEN  JOHNSON 

EDITOR 

GERHARD   R.   LOMER 

CHARLES   W.  JEFPBRVS 

ASSISTANT  EDITORS 


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JEFFERSON 
AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

A  CHRONICLE  OF 

THE  VIRGINIA  DYNASTY 

BY  ALLEN  JOHNSON 


LVXET 


^ '— 


LVXET 


i 


NEW  HAVEN:  YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

TORONTO:  GLASGOW.   BROOK  &  CO. 

LONDON:  HUMPHREY   MILFORD 

OXFORD   UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

1921 


Copyright,  1921,  by  Yale  University  Press 


CONTENTS 

I.     PRESIDENT  JEFFERSON  S  COURT 
II.     PUTTING  THE  SHIP  ON  HER  REPUBLI- 


Page      1 


III. 

THE  CORSAIRS  OF  THE  MEDITERRA- 
NEAN 

"       10 
85 

IV. 

THE  SHADOW  OF  THE  FIRST  CONSUL 

"       68 

V. 

IN  PURSUIT  OF  THE  FLORIDAS 

"       76 

VI. 

AN  AMERICAN  CATILINE 

'      lOi 

VII. 

AN  ABUSE  OF  HOSPITALITY 

*      128 

VIII. 

THE  PACIFISTS  OF  1807 

•      144 

IX. 

THE     LAST     PHASE    OF     PEACEABLE 
COERCION 

'      170 

X. 

THE  WAR-HAWKS 

'      180 

XI. 

PRESIDENT  MADISON  UNDER  FIRE 

*     213 

XII. 

THE  PEACEMAKER^: 

'      239 

XIII. 

SPANISH    DERELICTS    IN    THE    NEW 
WORLD 

'      265 

XIV. 

FRAMING  AN  AMERICAN  POLICY 

■      286 

XV. 

THE  END  OF  AN  ERA 

'     308 

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE 

319 

INDEX 

831 

vS 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

THOMAS  JEFFERSON 

Painting  by  Rembrandt  Peale  .803.  In  the 
collection  of  the  New  York  Historical  Society. 
Charles  Henry  Hart  says  it  is  the  best  ex- 
ample of  Rembrandt  Peale's  work.  Frontitpiccc 

MONTICELLO,  VIRGINIA.  THE  HOME  OF 
JEFFERSON 

Photograph    by    H.    P.    Cook.    Richmond. 

Virginia.  >•         >•      ^^ 

ALBERT  GALLATIN 

Painting  hy  Gilbert  Stuart.  In  the  Metro- 
politan Museum  of  Art,  New  York.  "         "     iqq 

JAMES  MONROE 

Painting  by  John  Vanderlyn.  1828.  In  the 
City  Hall.  New  York.  Owned  by  the  Cor- 
poration.  Reproduced  by  courtesy  of  the 
Municipal  Art  Commission  of  the  City  of 
New  York.  •  ■         ••    ^^g 

JAMES  MADISON,  AGED  82 

Engraving  by  T.  B.  Welch  after  a  drawing 
from  life  by  J.  B.  Longacre.  at  Montpelier. 
1883.  In  The  Sational  Portrait  Gallery  of 
Distinguuhed  Americana.  "         ••     j/j» 


IX 


JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  (  OLLEACIUES 


CHAPTER  I 


PREHIOENT  J£FFER80N*8  COURT 


The  rumble  of  President  John  Adams's  coach  huv^ 

hardly  died  away  in  the  distance  on  the  morning  of 

March  4, 1801,  when  Mr.  Thomas  Jefferson  entered 

the  breakfast  room  of  Conrad's  boarding  house  on 

Capitol  Hill,  where  he  had  been  li .  ing  in  bachelor's 

quarters  during  his  Vice-Presidency.    He  took  his 

usual  seat  at  the  lower  end  of  the  table  among  the 

other  boarders,  declining  with  a  smile  to  accept  the 

chau-  of  the  impulsive  Mrs.  Brown,  who  felt,  in 

spite  of  her  democratic  principles,  that  on  this  day 

of  all  days  Mr.  Jefferson  should  have  the  place 

which  he  had  obstinately  refused  to  occupy  at  the 

head  of  the  table  and  near  the  fireplace.     There 

were  others  besides  the  wife  of  the  Senator  from 

Kentucky  who  felt  that  Mr.  Jefferson  was  carrying 

1 


«       JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

equality  too  far.  But  Mr.  Jeffer8on  would  no 
take  precedence  over  the  Congrewnien  who  wer 
his  fellow  boarders. 

Conrad's  was  conveniently  near  the  Capitol,  oi 

the  south  side  of  the  hill,  and  commanded  an  ex 

tensive  view.     The  slope  of  the  hill,  which  was  i 

wild  tangle  of  verdure  in  summer,  debouched  int< 

a  wide  plain  extending  to  the  Potomac.    Througl 

this  lowland  wandered  a  little  stream,  once  known 

as  Goose  Creek  but  now  dignified  by  the  name  ol 

Tiber.     The  banks  of  the  stream  as  well  as  of  the 

Potomac  were  fringed  with  native  flowering  shrubs 

and  graceful  trees,  in  which  Mr.  Jefferson  took 

great  delight.    The  prospect  from  his  drawing- 

room  windows,  indeed,  quite  as  much  as  anything 

else,  attached  him  to  Conrad's. 

As  was  his  wont.  Mr.  Jefferson  withdrew  to  his 
study  after  breakfast  and  doubtless  ran  over  the 
pages  of  a  manuscript  which  he  had  been  preparing 
with  some  care  for  this  Fourth  c:    .'arch.    It  may 
be  guessed,  too,  that  here,  as  at  Monticello,  he  made 
his  usual  observations  -noting  in  his  diary  the 
temperature,  jotting  down  in  the  garden-book 
which  he  kept  for  thirty  years  an  item  or  two  about 
the  planting  of  vegetables,  and  recording,  as  he 
continued  to  do  for  eight  years,  the  earliest  and 


k 


PRESIDENT  JEFFEP  ON'S  COURT        S 

latest  appearance  of  each  comestible  in  the  Wash- 
ington market.  Perhaps  he  made  a  few  noten 
about  the  "seeds  of  the  eymhlinf<  {t^ucurMa  rer- 
meota)  and  squash  {cucurbUa  melopipo)"  which 
he  purposed  to  send  to  his  friend  Philip  Mazzei, 
with  directions  for  planting;  or  even  wrote  a  letter 
full  of  rejections  upon  bigotry  in  politics  and  re- 
ligion to  Dr.  Joseph  Priestley,  whom  he  hoped  soon 
to  have  as  his  guest  in  the  President's  House. 

Toward  noon  Mr.  Jefferson  stepped  out  of  the 
house  and  walked  over  to  the  Capitol  —  a  tall, 
rather  loose-jointed  figure,  with  swinging  stride, 
symbolizing,  one  is  tempted  to  think,  the  angular- 
ity of  the  American  character.  "A  tall,  large- 
boned  farmer,"  an  unfriendly  English  observer 
called  him.  His  complexion  was  that  of  a  man 
constantly  exposed  to  the  sun  —  sandy  or  freckled, 
contemporaries  called  it  —  but  his  features  were 
clean-cut  and  strong  and  his  expression  was  always 
kindly  and  benignant. 

Aside  from  salvos  of  artillery  at  the  hour  of 
twelve,  the  inauguration  of  Mr.  Jefferson  as  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  was  marked  by  extreme 
simplicity.  In  the  Senate  chamber  of  the  unfin- 
ished Capitol,  he  was  met  by  Aaron  Burr,  who 
had  already  been  installed  as  presiding  oflBcer,  and 


4       JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

conducted  to  the  Vice-President's  chair,  while  thai 
debonair  man  of  the  world  took  a  seat  on  his  right 
with  easy  grace.    On  Mr.  Jefferson's  left  sat  Chief 
Justice  John  Marshall,  a  "tall,  lax,  lounging  Vir- 
ginian," with  black  eyes  peering  out  from  his 
swarthy  countenance.    There  is  a  dramatic  quality 
in  this  scene  of  the  President-to-be  seated  between 
two  men  who  are  to  cause  him  more  vexation  of 
spirit  than  any  others  in  public  life.    Burr,  bril- 
liant, gifted,  ambitious,  and  profligate;  Marshall, 
temperamentally  and  by  conviction  opposed  to  the 
principles  which  seemed  to  have  triumphed  in  the 
election  of  this  radical  Virginian,  to  whom  indeed 
he  had  a  deep-seatec'  aversion.    After  a  short 
pause,  Mr.  Jefferson  rose  and  read  his  Inaugural 
Address  in  a  tone  so  low  that  it  could  be  heard  by 
only  a  few  in  the  crowded  chamber. 

Those  who  expected  to  hear  revolutionary  doc- 
trines must  have  been  surprised  by  the  studied 
moderation  of  this  address.  There  was  not  a  Fed- 
eralist within  hearing  of  Jefferson's  voice  who  could 
not  have  subscribed  to  all  the  articles  in  this  pro- 
fession of  political  faith.  "  Equal  and  exact  justice 
to  all  men"  —  "a  jealous  care  of  tl  right  of  elec- 
tion by  the  people"—  "absolute  acquiescence  in 
the  decisions  of  the  majority"  —  "the  supremacy 


4 


PRESIDENT  JEFFERSON'S  COURT  5 
of  the  civil  over  the  military  authority "  ~  "  the 
honest  payments  of  om-  debts"  — "freedom  of 
religion"  —  "freedom  of  the  press"  — "freedom 
of  person  under  the  protection  of  the  habeas  cor- 
pus" —  what  were  these  principles  but  the  bright 
constellation,  as  Jefferson  said,  "which  has  guided 
our  steps  through  an  age  of  revolution  and  reforma- 
tion?" John  Adams  himself  mi^ht  have  enun- 
ciated all  these  principles,  though  he  would  have 
distributed  the  emphasis  somewhat  differently. 

But  what  did  Jefferson  mean  when  he  said,  "We 
have  called  by  different  names  brethren  of  the 
same  principle.    We  are  all  Republicans  —  we  are 
all  Federalists."    If  this  was  true,  what,  pray,  be- 
came of  the  revolution  of  1800,  which  Jefferson  had 
declared  "as  real  a  revolution  in  the  principles  of 
our  government  as  that  of  1776  was  in  its  form?" 
Even  Jefferson's  own  followers  shook  their  heads 
dubiously  over  this  passage  as  they  read  and  re- 
read it  in  the  news-sheets.     It  sounded  a  false  note 
while  the  echoes  of  the  campaign  of  1800  were  still 
reverberating.    If  Hamilton  and  his  followers  were 
monarchists  at  heart  in  1800.  bent  upon  overthrow- 
ing the  Government,  how  could  they  and  the 
triumphant  Republicans  be  brethren  of  the  same 
principle  in  1801? 


6       JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

The  truth  of  the  matter  is  that  Jefferson  w 

holding  out  an  olive  branch  to  his  political  opp 

nents.    He  believed,  as  he  remarked  in  a  priva 

letter,  that  many  Fedeialists  were  sound  RepubJ 

cans  at  heart  who  had  been  stampeded  into  tl 

ranks  of  his  opponents  during  the  recent  troubl. 

with  France.    These  lost  political  sheep  Jeffersc 

was  bent  upon  restoring  to  the  Republican  fold  b 

avoiding  utterances  and  acts  which  would  offen 

them.    "I  always  exclude  the  leaders  from  thes 

considerations,"  he  added  confidentially.  In  shor 

this  Inaugural  Address  was  less  a  great  tate  papei 

marking  a  broad  path  for  the  Government  to  follow 

under  stalwart  leadership      lan  an  astute  effort  t 

consolidate  the  victory  of  the  Republican  party. 

Disappointing  the  address  must  have  been  t 
those  who  had  expected  a  declaration  of  specifi 
policy.  Yet  the  historian,  wiser  by  the  march  o 
events,  may  read  between  the  lines.  When  Jeffer 
son  said  that  he  desired  a  wise  and  frugal  govern 
ment  —  a  government "  which  should  restrain  mei 
from  injuring  one  another  but  otherwise  leav« 
them  free  to  regulate  their  own  pursuits  —  '*  anc 
when  he  announced  his  purpose  "to  support  th( 
state  governments  in  all  their  rights"  and  to  culti- 
vate "peace  with  all  nations  —  entangling  alliances 


^ 


PRESIDENT  JEFFERSON'S  COURT  7 
with  none,"  he  was  in  effect  formulating  a  poh'cy. 
But  all  this  was  in  the  womb  of  the  future. 

It  was  mary  weeks  before  Jefferson  took  up  his 
abode  in  tue  President's  House.     In  the  interval 
he  remained  in  his  old  quarters,  except  for  a  visit 
to  Monticello  to  arrange  for  his  removal,  which 
indeed  he  was  in  no  haste  to  make,  for  "The  Pal- 
ace," as  the  President's  House  was  dubbed  satiri- 
cally, was  not  yet  finished;  its  walls  were  not  fully 
plastered,  and  :t  still  lacked  the  main  staircase  — 
which,  it  must  be  adm'Lted,  was  a  serious  defect 
if  the  new  President  meant  to  hold  court.   Besides, 
it  was  inconveniently  situated  at  the  other  end 
of  the  straggling,  unkempt  village.    At  Conrad's 
Jefferson  could  still  keep  in  touch  with  those  mem- 
bers of  Congress  and  those  friends  upon  whooc  ad- 
vice he  relied  in  putting  "our  Argosie  on  her  Re- 
publican tack,"  as  he  was  wont  to  say.     Here,  in 
his  drawing-room,  he  could  talk  freely  with  prac- 
tical politicians  such  as  v  Larles  Pinckney,  who  had 
carried  the  ticket  to  success  in  South  Carolina  and 
who  might  reasonably  expect  to  be  consulted  in 
organizing  the  new  Administration. 

The  chief  posts  in  the  President's  official  house- 
hold, save  one,  were  readily  filled.    There  were 


8       JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
only  five  heads  of  departments  to  be  appointed, 
and  of  these  the  Attorney-General  might  be  de- 
scribed as  a  head  without  a  department,  since  the 
duties  of  his  office  were  few  and  required  only  his 
occasional  attention.    As  it  fell  out,  however,  the 
Attorney-General  whom  Jefferson  appointed,  Levi 
Lmcoln  of  Massachusetts,  practically  carried  on 
the  work  of  all  the  Executive  Departments  until 
his  colleagues  were  duly  appointed  and  commis- 
sioned.   For  Secretary  of  War  Jefferson  chose  an- 
other reliable  New  Englander,  Henry  Dearborn  of 
Maine.    The  naval  portfolio  went  begging,  per- 
haps because  the  navy  was  not  ar.  'mposing  branch 
of  the  service,  or  because  the  new  President  had 
announced  his  desire  to  lay  up  all  seven  frigates  in 
the  eastern  branch  of  the  Potomac,  where  "they 
would  be  under  the  immediate  eye  of  the  depart- 
ment and  would  require  but  one  set  of  plunderers 
to  look  after  them."    One  conspicuous  Republican 
after  another  declined  this  dubious  honor,  and  in 
the  end  Jefferson  was  obliged  to  appoint  as  Secre- 
tary of  the  Navy  Robert  Smith,  whose  chief  quali- 
fication was  his  kinship  to  General  Samuel  Smith, 
an  influential  politician  of  Maryland. 

The  appointment  by  Jefferson  of  James  Madison 
as  Seci  etary  of  State  occasioned  no  surprise,  for  the 


PRESIDENT  JEFFERSON'S  COURT        9 

intimate  friendship  of  the  two  Virginians  and  their 
long  and  close  association  in  politics  led  every  one  to 
expect  that  he  would  occupy  an  important  post  in 
the  new  Administration,  though  in  truth  that 
friendship  was  based  on  something  deeper  and 
finer  than  mere  agreement  in  politics.     "I  do  be- 
lieve," exclaimed  a  lady  who  often  saw  both  men  in 
private  life,  "father  never  loved  son  more  than  Mr. 
Jefferson  loves  Mr.  Madison."    The  difference  in 
age,  however,  was  not  great,  for  Jefferson  was  in  his 
fifty-eighth  year  and  Madison  in  his  fiftieth.    It 
was  rather  mien  and  character  that  suggested  the 
filial  relationship.    Jefferson  was,  or  could  be  if  he 
chose,  an  imposing  figure;  his  stature  was  six  feet 
two  and  one-half  inches.     Madison  had  the  ways 
and  habits  of  a  little  man,  for  he  was  only  five 
feet  six.    Madison  was  naturally  timid  and  retiring 
in  the  presence  of  other  men,  but  he  was  at  his  best 
in  the  company  of  his  friend  Jefferson,  who  valued 
his  attainments.   Indeed,  the  two  men  supplement- 
ed ep  ch  other .     If  Jefferson  was  prone  to  theorize, 
Madison  was  disposed  to  find  historical  evidence 
to  support  a  political  doctrine.     While  Jefferson 
generalized  boldly,  even  rashly,  Madison  hesitated, 
temporized,  weighed  the  prof  and  cons,  and  came 
with  diflBculty  to  a  con<  'usion.    Unhappily  neither 


10     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

was  a  good  judge  of  men.  When  pitted  against  a 
Bonaparte,  a  Talleyrand,  or  a  Canning,  they  ap- 
peared provincial  in  their  ways  and  limited  in  their 
sympathetic  understanding  of  statesmen  of  the 
Old  World. 

Next  to  that  of  Madison,  Jefferson  valued  the 
friendship  of  Albert  Gallatin,  whom  he  made  Sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury  by  a  recess  appointment, 
since  there  was  some  reason  to  fear  that  the  Federal- 
ist Senate  would  not  confirm  the  nomination.  The 
Federalists  could  never  forget  that  Gallatin  was  a 
Swiss  by  birth  —  an  alien  of  supposedly  radical 
tendencies.  The  partisan  press  never  exhibited  its 
crass  provincialism  more  shamefully  than  when  it 
made  fun  of  Gallatin's  imperfect  pronunciation  of 
English.  He  had  come  to  America,  indeed,  too 
late  to  acquire  a  perfect  control  of  a  new  tongue, 
but  not  too  late  to  become  a  loyal  son  of  his 
adopted  country.  He  brought  to  Jefferson's  group 
of  advisers  not  only  a  thorough  knowledge  of  pub- 
lic finance  but  a  sound  judgment  and  a  statesman- 
like vision,  which  were  often  needed  to  rectify  the 
political  vagaries  of  his  chief. 

The  last  of  his  Cabinet  appointments  made, 
Jefferfaon  returned  to  his  country  seat  at  Monticello 
for  August  and  September,  for  he  was  determined 


PRESIDENT  JEFFERSON'S  COURT       11 

not  to  pass  those  two  "bilious  months"  in  Wash- 
ington. "I  have  not  done  it  these  forty  years," 
he  wrote  to  Gallatin.  "Grumble  who  will,  I  will 
never  pass  those  two  months  on  tidewater."  To 
Monticello,  ind  ed,  Jefferson  turned  whenever  his 
duties  permitted  and  not  merely  in  the  sickly 
months  of  summer,  for  when  the  roads  were  good 
the  journey  was  rapidly  and  easily  made  by  stage 
or  chaise.  There,  in  his  garden  and  farm,  he  found 
relief  from  the  distractions  of  public  life.  "No 
occupation  is  so  delightful  to  me,"  he  confessed, 
"as  the  culture  of  the  earth,  and  no  culture  com- 
parable to  that  of  the  garden."  At  Monticello, 
too,  he  could  gratify  his  delight  in  the  natural  sci- 
ences, for  he  was  a  true  child  of  the  eighteenth 
century  in  his  insatiable  curiosity  about  the  physi- 
cal universe  and  in  his  desire  to  reduce  that  uni- 
verse to  an  intelligible  mechanism.  He  was  by 
instinct  a  rationalist  and  a  foe  to  superstition  in 
any  form,  whether  in  science  or  religion.  His  in- 
defatigable pen  was  as  ready  to  discuss  vaccina- 
tion and  yellow  fever  with  Dr.  Benjamin  Rush 
as  it  was  to  exchange  views  with  Dr.  Priestley  on 
the  ethics  of  Jesus, 

The  diversity  of  Jefferson's  interests  is  truly 
remarkable.     Monticello  is  a  monument  to  his 


12     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

almost  Yunket  tike  ingenuity.  He  writes  to  his 
friend  Thomas  Paine  to  assure  him  that  the  semi- 
cylindrical  form  of  roof  after  *'  De  Lorme  pattern, 
whicli  he  proposes  for  Y '  u',  is  ,.'ntirely  practic- 

able, for  he  himself  had  "■•sed  it  at  home  for  a 
dome,  being  120°  of  an  oblong  octagon."  He  was 
characteristically  American  in  his  receptivity  to 
new  ideas  from  any  source.  A  chance  item  about 
Eli  Whitney  of  New  Haven  arrests  his  attention 
and  forthwith  he  writes  to  Madison  recommending 
a  "Mr.  Whitney  at  Connecticut,  a  mechanic  of  the 
first  order  of  ingenuity,  who  invented  the  cotton- 
gin,"  and  who  has  recently  invented  "molds  and 
machines  for  making  all  the  pieces  of  his  [musket] 
locks  so  exactly  equal  that  take  one  hundred  locks 
to  pieces  and  mingle  their  parts  and  the  hundred 
locks  may  be  put  together  as  well  by  taking  the  first 
pieces  which  come  to  hand."  To  Robert  Fulton, 
then  laboring  to  perfect  his  torpedoes  and  sub- 
marine, JeflFerson  wrote  encouragingly:  "I  have 
ever  looked  to  the  submarine  boat  as  most  to  be 
depended  on  for  attaching  them  [i.  e.,  torpedoes] 
...  I  am  in  hopes  it  is  not  to  be  abandoned  as 
impracticable." 

It  was  not  wholly  affectation,  therefore,  when 
Jefferson   wrote,   "Nature  intended  me  for  the 


PRESIDENT  JEFFERSON'S  COURT       18 

tranquil  pursuits  of  science,  by  rendering  them  my 
supreme  delight.  But  the  enormities  of  the  times 
in  which  I  have  lived,  have  forced  rne  to  take  a  part 
in  resisting  them,  and  to  commit  myself  on  the 
boisterous  ocean  of  political  passions."  One  can 
readily  picture  this  Virginia  farmer-philosopher 
ruefully  closing  his  study  door,  taking  a  last  look 
over  the  gardens  and  fields  of  Monticello,  in  the 
golden  days  of  October,  and  mounting  Wildair, 
his  handsome  thorouf "  bred,  setting  out  on  the 
dusty  road  for  that  little  political  world  at  Wash- 
ington, where  rumor  so  often  got  the  better  of  rea- 
son and  where  gossip  was  so  likely  to  destroy 
philosophic  serenity. 

Jefferson  had  been  a  widower  for  many  years; 
and  so,  since  his  daughters  were  married  and  had 
households  of  their  own,  he  was  forced  to  preside 
over  his  menage  at  Washington  without  the  femi- 
nine touch  and  tact  so  much  needed  at  this  Amer- 
ican court.  Perhaps  it  was  this  unhappy  circum- 
stance quite  as  much  as  his  dislike  for  ceremonies 
and  formalities  that  made  Jefferson  do  away  with 
the  weekly  levees  of  his  predecessors  and  appoint 
only  two  days,  the  First  of  January  and  the  Fourth 
of  July,  for  public  receptions.    On  such  occasions 


m 


U     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

he  begged  Mra.  Dolly  Madison  to  act  as  hostess; 
and  a  charming  and  gracious  figure  she  was,  casting 
a  certain  extenuating  veil  over  the  President's 
gaucheries.  Jefferson  held,  with  his  many  politi- 
cal heresies,  certain  theories  of  social  intercourse 
which  ran  rudely  counter  to  the  prevailing  eti- 
quette of  foreign  courts.  Among  the  rules  which 
he  devised  for  his  republican  court,  the  precedence 
due  to  rank  'Aas  conspicuously  absent,  because  he 
held  that  "all  persons  when  brought  together  in 
society  are  perfectly  equal,  whether  foreign  or 
domestic,  titled  or  untitled,  in  or  out  of  office." 
One  of  these  rules  to  which  the  Cabinet  gravely 
subscribed  read  as  follows: 

To  maintain  the  principles  of  equality,  or  of  p6le 
m^le,  and  prevent  the  growth  of  precedence  out  of 
courtesy,  the  members  of  the  Executive  will  practise  at 
their  own  houses,  and  recommend  >»n  adherence  to  the 
ancient  usage  of  the  country,  of  gentlemen  in  mass 
giving  precedence  to  the  ladies  in  mass,  in  passing  from 
one  apartment  where  they  are  assembled  into  another. 

The  application  of  this  rule  on  one  occasion  gave 
rise  to  an  incident  which  convulsed  Washington 
society.  President  Jefferson  had  invited  to  dinner 
the  new  British  Minister  Merry  and  his  wife,  the 
Spanish  Minister  Yrujo  and  his  wife,  the  French 


i 


PRESIDENT  JEFFERSON'S  COURT       15 

Minister  Pichon  and  his  wife,  and  Mr.  and  Mrs. 
Madii>Dn.    When  dinner  was  announced,  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson gave  his  hand  to  Mrs.  Madison  and  seated 
her  on  his  right,  leaving  the  rest,  to  straggle  in  as 
they  pleased.    Merry,  fresh  from  the  Court  of  St. 
James,  was  aghast  and  at.onted;  and  when  a  few 
days  later,  at  a  dinner  given  by  the  Secretary  of 
State,  he  saw  Mrs.  Merry  left  without  un  escort, 
while  Mr.  Madison  took  Mrs.  Gallatin  to  the  table, 
he  believed  that  a  deliberate  insult  was  intended. 
To  appcose  this  indignant  Briton  the  President  was 
obliged  to  explain  oflBcially  his  rule  of  "p61e  mfile"; 
but  Mrs.  Merry  was  not  appeased  and  positively 
refused  to  appear  at  the  President's  New  Year's 
Day  reception.    "Since  then,"  wrote  the  amused 
Pichon,  "Washington  society  is  turned  upside 
down;  all  the  women  are  to  the  last  degree  exas- 
perated against  Mrs.  Merry;  the  Federalist  news- 
papers have  taken  up  the  matter,  and  increased  the 
irritations  by  sarcasms  on  the  administration  and 
by  making  a  burlesque  of  the  facts."    Then  Merry 
refused  an  invitation  to  dine  again  at  the  Presi- 
dent's, saying  that  he  awaited  instructions  from  his 
Government;  and  the  Marquis  Yrujo,  who  had 
reasons  of  his  own  for  fomenting  trouble,  struck  an 
alliance  with  the  Merrys  and  also  declined  the 


I 


■^ 


16     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

President's  invitation.  Jefferson  was  incensed  at 
their  conduct,  but  put  the  blame  vipon  Mr.s.  Merry, 
whom  he  characterized  privately  us  a  "  viruf(i)  who 
has  already  disturbed  our  harmony  extremely." 

A  brilliant  English  essayist  has  observed  that  a 
government  to  secure  obedience  must  first  excite 
reverence.  Some  such  perception,  coinciding  with 
native  taste,  had  moved  George  Washington  to 
assume  the  trappings  of  royalty,  in  order  to  sur- 
round the  new  presidential  office  with  impressive 
dignity.  Posterity  has,  accordingly,  visualized  the 
first  President  and  Father  of  his  Country  us  a 
statuesque  figure,  posing  at  formal  levees  with  a 
long  sword  in  a  scabbard  of  whitt  polished  leather, 
and  clothed  in  black  velvet  knee-breeches,  with 
yellow  gloves  and  a  cocked  hat.  The  third  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  harbored  no  such  illu- 
sions and  affected  v^  such  poses.  Governnients 
were  made  by  rational  beings  —  **by  the  consent 
of  the  governed,"  he  had  written  in  u  uiemoruhle 
document  —  and  rested  on  no  emotional  basis. 
Thomas  Jefferson  remained  Thomas  Jefferson  after 
his  election  to  the  chief  magistracy;  and  so  con- 
temporaries saw  him  in  the  President's  House,  an 
unimpressive  figure  clad  in  "a  blue  coat,  a  thick 
gray-colored  hairy  waistcoat,  with  a  red  underwaisi 


PRESIDENT  JEFFERSON'S  COURT       17 

lapped  over  it,  green  velveteen  breeches,  with  pearl 
buttons,  yarn  stockings,  and  slippers  down  at  the 
heels."  Any  k.hv  might  have  found  him,  as  Senatw 
Marlay  did,  sitting  "in  a  lounging  manner,  on  one 
hip  commonly,  and  with  one  of  his  shoulders  ele- 
vated much  above  the  other,"  a  l(X>se,  shackling 
figure  with  no  pretense  at  dignity. 

Iti  his  dislike  for  all  artificial  distinctions  between 
man  and  man,  Jefferson  determined  from  the  out- 
set to  dispense  a  true  Southern  ho.spitality  at  the 
President's  House  and  to  welcome  any  one  at  any 
hour  on  any  day.  There  was  therefore  some  point 
to  John  Quincy  Adams's  witticism  that  Jefferson's 
"whole  eight  years  was  a  levee."  No  one  could 
deny  that  he  entertained  handsomely.  Even  his 
political  opponents  rose  from  his  table  with  a  com- 
fortable feeling  of  satiety  which  made  them  more 
kindly  in  their  attitude  toward  their  host.  "We 
sat  Jown  at  the  table  at  four,"  wrote  Senator 
Plumer  of  New  Hampshire,  "rose  at  six,  and 
walked  immediately  into  another  room  and  drank 
coflFee.  We  had  a  very  good  dinner,  with  a  pro- 
fusion of  fruits  and  sweetmeats.  The  wine  was 
the  best  I  ever  drank,  particularly  the  champagne, 
which  was  indeed  delicious." 

It  was  in  the  circle  of  his  intimates  that  Jefferson 


18     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

appeared  at  his  best,  and  of  all  his  intimate  friends 
Madison  knew  best  how  to  evoke  the  true  Jefferson. 
To  outsiders  Madison  appeared  rather  taciturn, 
but  among  his  friends  he  was  genial  and  even  lively, 
amusing  all  by  his  ready  humor  and  flashes  of  wit. 
To  his  changes  of  mood  Jefferson  always  responded. 
Once  started  Jefferson  would  talk  on  and  on,  in  a 
loose  and  rambling  fashion,  with  a  great  deal  of  ex- 
aggeration and  with  many  vagaries,  yet  always 
scattering  much  information  on  a  great  variety  of 
topics.  Here  we  may  leave  him  for  the  moment,  in 
the  exhilarating  hours  following  his  inauguration, 
discoursing  with  Pinckney,  Gallatin,  Madison, 
Burr,  Randolph,  Giles,  Macon,  and  many  another 
good  Republican,  and  evolving  the  policies  of  his 
Administration. 


i 


CuAPTER  II 


PUTTING  THE  SHIP  ON  HER  REPUBLICAN  TACK 


■'I 

i;.  if !  ;| 


President  Jefferson  took  oflBce  in  a  spirit  of  ex- 
ultation which  he  made  no  eflfort  to  disguise  in  his 
private  letters.  "The  tough  sides  of  our  Argosie," 
he  wrote  to  John  Dickinson,  "have  been  thoroughly 
tried.  Her  strength  has  stood  the  waves  into  which 
she  was  steered  with  a  view  to  sink  her.  We  shall 
put  her  on  her  Republican  tack,  and  she  will  now 
show  by  the  beauty  of  her  motion  the  skill  of  her 
builders."  In  him  as  in  his  two  intimates,  Gallatin 
and  Madison,  there  was  a  touch  of  that  philosophy 
which  colored  the  thought  of  reformers  on  the  eve 
of  the  French  Revolution,  a  naive  confidence  in  the 
perfectability  of  man  and  the  essential  worthiness 
of  his  aspirations.  Strike  from  man  the  shackles 
of  despotism  and  superstition  and  accord  to  him  a 
free  government,  and  he  would  rise  to  unsuspected 
felicity.  Republican  government  was  the  strongest 
government  on  earth,  because  it  was  founded  on 

19 


if'1 


\H 


H, 


ill 


m 


20     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

freewill  and  imposed  the  fewest  checks  on  the  legiti- 
mate desires  of  men.    Only  one  thing  was  wanting 
to  make  the  American  people  happy  and  prosper- 
ous, said  the  President  in  his  Inaugural  Address: 
"a  wise  and  frugal  government,  which  shall  restrain 
men  from  injuring  one  another,  which  shall  leave 
them  otherwise  free  to  regulate  their  own  pursuits 
of  industry  and  improvement,  and  shall  not  take 
from  the  mouth  of  labor  the  bread  it  has  earned." 
This,  he  believed,  was  the  sum  of  good  government; 
and  this  was  the  government  which  he  was  deter- 
mined to  establish.    Whether  government  thus  re- 
duced to  lowest  terms  would  prove  adequate  in  a 
world  rent  by  war,  only  the  future  could  disclose. 
It  was  only  in  intimate  letters  and  in  converse 
with  Gallatin  and  Madison  that  Jeflferson  revealed 
his  real  purposes.     So  completely  did  Jefferson 
take  these  two  advisers  into  his  confidence,  and  so 
loyal  was  their  cooperation,  that  the  Government 
for  eight  years  has  been  described  as  a  triumvirate 
almost  as  clearly  defined  as  any  triumvirate  of 
Rome.    Three  more  congenial  souls  certainly  have 
never  ruled  a  nation,  for  they  were  drawn  together 
not  merely  by  agreement  on  a  common  policy  but 
by  sympathetic  understanding  of  the  fundamental 
principles  of  government.    Gallatin  and  Madison 


PUTTING  THE  SHIP  ON  HER  TACK  21 
often  frequented  the  President's  House,  and  there 
one  may  see  them  in  imagination  and  perhaps  catch 
now  and  then  a  fragment  of  their  conversation- 

Gallatin:  We  owe  much  to  geographical  posi- 
tion; we  have  been  fortunate  in  escaping  foreign 
wars.  If  we  can  maintain  peaceful  relations  with 
other  nations,  we  can  keep  down  the  cost  of  admin- 
istration and  avoid  all  the  ills  which  follow  too 
much  government. 

The  President:  After  all,  we  are  chiefly  an  agri- 
cultural people  and  if  we  shape  our  policy  accord- 
ingly we  shall  be  much  more  likely  to  multiply  and 
be  happy  than  as  if  we  mimicked  an  Amsterdam, 
a  Hamburg,  or  a  city  like  London. 

Madison  (quietly) :  I  quite  agree  with  you.  We 
must  keep  the  government  simple  and  republican, 
avoiding  the  corruption  which  inevitably  prevails 
^'ded  cities. 
'  din  (pursuing  his  thought):  The  moment 
you  allow  the  national  debt  to  mount,  you  entail 
burdens  on  posterity  and  augment  the  operations 
of  government. 

The  President  (bitterly) :  The  principle  of  spend- 
ing money  to  be  paid  by  posterity  is  but  swin- 
dlir  uturity  on  a  large  scale.  That  was  what 
Hamilton 


S2  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

Gallatin:  Just  so;  and  if  this  administratioi; 
does  not  reduce  taxes,  they  will  never  be  reduced. 
We  must  strike  at  the  root  of  the  evil  and  avert 
the  danger  of  multiplying  the  functions  of  govern- 
ment. I  would  repeal  all  internal  taxes.  These 
pretended  tax-preparations,  treasure-preparations, 
and  army-preparations  against  contingent  wars 
tend  only  to  encourage  wars. 

The  President  {nodding  his  head  in  agreement): 
The  discharge  of  the  debt  is  vital  to  the  destinies  of 
our  government,  and  for  the  present  we  must  make 
all  objects  subordinate  to  this.  We  must  confine 
our  general  government  to  foreign  concerns  only 
and  let  our  affairs  be  disentangled  from  those  of  all 
other  nations,  except  as  to  commerce.  And  our 
commerce  is  so  valuable  to  other  nations  that  they 
will  be  glad  to  purchase  it,  when  they  know  that  all 
we  ask  is  justice.  Why,  then,  should  we  not  re- 
duce our  general  government  to  a  very  simple  or- 
ganization and  a  very  unexpensive  one  —  a  few 
plain  duties  to  be  performed  by  a  few  servants? 

It  was  precisely  the  matter  of  selecting  these  few 
servants  which  worried  the  President  during  his 
first  months  in  oflBce,  for  the  federal  oflices  were 
held  by  Federalists  almost  to  a  man.  He  hoped 
that  he  wou' J  nave  to  make  only  a  few  removals: 


PUTTING  THE  SHIP  ON  HER  TACK     «3 

any  other  course  would  expose  him  to  the  charge 
of  inconsistency  after  his  complacent  statement 
that  there  was  no  fundamental  diflFerence  between 
Republicans  and  Federalists.  But  his  followers 
thought  otherwise;  they  wanted  the  spoils  of  vic- 
tory and  they  meant  to  have  them.  Slowly  and  re- 
luctantly Jefferson  yielded  to  pressure,  justifying 
himself  as  he  did  so  by  the  reflection  that  a  due 
participation  in  oflBce  was  a  matter  of  right,  ^nd 
how,  pray,  could  due  participation  be  obtained,  if 
there  wtre  no  removals?  Deaths  were  regrettably 
few;  and  resignations  could  hardly  be  expected. 
Once  removals  were  decided  upon,  Jefferson  drifted 
helplessly  upon  the  tide.  For  a  moment,  it  is  true, 
he  wrote  hopefully  about  establishing  an  equili- 
brium and  then  returning  "with  joy  to  that  .•:  .ate  of 
things  when  the  only  questions  concerning  a  candi- 
date shall  be:  Is  he  honest.?  Is  he  capable?  Is 
he  faithful  to  the  Constitution?"  That  blessed 
expectation  was  never  realized.  By  the  end  of  his 
second  term,  a  Federalist  in  office  was  as  rare  as  a 
Republican  under  Adams. 

The  removal  of  the  Collector  of  the  Port  at  New 
Haven  and  the  appointment  of  an  octogenarian 
whose  chief  qualification  was  his  Republicanism 
brought  to  a  head  all  the  bitter  animosity  of 


'fH 


24     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

Federalist  New  England.  The  hostility  to  Jefferson 
in  this  region  was  no  ordinary  political  opposition, 
as  he  knew  full  well,  for  it  was  compounded  of  many 
ingredients.  In  New  England  there  was  a  greater 
social  solidarity  than  existed  anywhere  else  in  the 
Union.  Descended  from  English  stock,  imbued 
with  common  religious  and  political  traditions,  and 
bound  together  by  the  ties  of  a  common  ecclesiasti- 
cal polity,  the  people  of  this  section  had,  as  Jeffer- 
son expressed  it, "  a  sort  of  family  pride."  Here  all 
the  forces  of  education,  property,  religion,  and  re- 
spectability were  united  in  the  maintenance  of  the 
established  order  against  the  assaults  of  democ- 
racy. New  England  Federalism  was  not  so  much 
a  body  of  political  doctrine  as  a  state  of  mind. 
Abhorrence  of  the  Torces  liberated  by  the  French 
Revolution  was  the  dominating  emotion.  To  the 
Federalist  leaders  democracy  seemed  an  aberration 
of  the  human  mind,  which  was  bound  everywhere 
to  produce  infidelity,  looseness  of  morals,  and  po- 
litical chaos.  In  the  words  of  their  Jeremiah,  Fisher 
Ames,  "Democracy  is  a  troubled  spirit,  fated  never 
to  rest,  and  whose  dreams,  if  it  sleeps,  present  only 
visions  of  hell."  So  thinking  and  feeling,  they  had 
witnessed  the  triumph  of  Jefferson  with  genuine 
alarm,  for  Jefferson  they  held  to  be  no  better  than 


PUTTING  THE  SHIP  ON  HER  TACK     25 


a  Jacobin,  bent  upon  subverting  the  social  order  and 
saturated  with  all  the  heterodox  notions  of  Voltaire 
and  Thomas  Paine. 

The  appointment  of  the  aged  Samuel  Bishop  as 
Collector  of  New  Haven  was  evidence  enoagh  to 
the  Federalist  mind,  which  fed  upon  suspicion,  that 
JeflFerson  intended  to  reward  his  son,  Abraham 
Bishop,  for  political  services.  The  younger  Bishop 
was  a  stench  in  their  nostrils,  for  at  a  recent  cele- 
bration of  the  Republican  victory  he  had  shocked 
the  good  people  of  Connecticut  by  characterizing 
Jefferson  as  "the  illustrious  chief  who,  once  in- 
sulted, now  presides  over  the  Union,"  and  compar- 
ing him  with  the  Saviour  of  the  world,  "who,  once 
insulted,  now  presides  over  the  universe."  And 
this  had  not  been  his  first  transgression:  he  was 
known  as  an  active  and  intemperate  rebel  against 
the  standing  order.  No  wonder  that  Theodore 
Dwight  voiced  the  alarm  of  all  New  England  Fed- 
eralists in  an  oration  at  New  Haven,  in  which  he 
declared  that  according  to  the  doctrines  of  Jacobin- 
ism "the  greatest  villain  in  the  community  is  the 
fittest  person  to  make  and  execute  the  laws."  "We 
have  now,"  said  he,  "reached  the  consummation  of 
democratic  blessedness.  We  have  a  country  gov- 
erned by  blockheads  and  knaves."    Here  was  an 


«6     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

opposition  which,  if  persisted  in,  might  menace  the 
integrity  of  the  Union. 

Scarcely  less  vexatious  was  the  business  of 
appointments  in  New  York  where  ihree  factions  in 
the  Republican  party  struggled  for  the  control  of 
the  patronage.  Which  should  the  President  sup- 
port? Gallatin,  whose  father-in-law  was  promi- 
nent in  the  politics  of  the  State,  was  inclined  to 
favor  Burr  and  his  followers;  but  the  President  al- 
ready felt  a  deep  distrust  of  Burr  and  finally  sur- 
rendered to  the  importunities  of  DeWitt  Cnton, 
who  had  formed  an  alliance  with  the  Livi^c-^^on 
interests  to  drive  Burr  from  the  party.  Despite 
the  pettiness  of  the  game,  which  disgusted  both 
Gallatin  and  Jefferson,  the  decision  was  fateful.  It 
was  no  light  matter,  even  for  the  chief  magistrate, 
to  offend  Aaron  Burr. 

From  these  worrisome  details  of  administration, 
the  President  turned  with  relief  to  the  preparation 
of  his  first  address  to  Congress.  The  keynote  was 
to  be  economy.  But  just  how  economies  were  ac- 
tually to  be  effected  was  not  so  clear.  For  months 
Gallatin  had  been  toiling  over  masses  of  statistics, 
trying  to  reconcile  a  policy  of  reduced  taxation,  to 
satisfy  the  demands  of  the  party,  with  the  dis- 
charge of  the  public  debt.  By  laborious  calculation 


PUTTING  THE  SHIP  ON  HER  TACK     27 

he  found  that  if  $7  300,000  were  set  aside  each  year, 
the  debt  —  principal  and  interest  —  could  be  dis- 
charged within  sixteen  years.  But  if  the  unpopular 
excise  were  abandoned,  where  was  the  needed 
revenue  to  be  found?  New  taxes  were  not  to  be 
tho"?ht  of.  The  alternative,  tlien,  was  to  reduce 
pxj     iHitures.    But  how  and  where.? 

T  iider  these  circumstances  the  President  and  his 
Cabinet  adopted  the  course  which  in  the  light  of 
subsequent  events  seems  to  have  been  woefully  ill- 
timed  and  hazardous  in  the  extreme.    They  deter- 
mined to  sacrifice  the  army  and  navy.   In  extenua- 
tion of  this  decision,  it  may  be  said  that  the  danger 
of  war  with  France,  which  had  forced  the  Adams 
Administrat  ion  to  double  expenditures,  had  passed ; 
and  that  Europe  was  at  this  moment  at  peace, 
though  only  the  most  sanguine  and  shortsighted 
could  believe  that  continued  peace  was  possible  in 
Europe  with  the  First  Consul  in  the  saddle.   It  was 
agreed,  then,  that  the  expenditures  for  the  military 
and  naval  establishments  should  be  kept  at  about 
$2,500,00'^  —  somewhat  below  the  normal  appro- 
priation before  the  recent  war-flurry;  and  that 
wherever  possible  expenses  should  be  reduced  by 
careful  pruning  of  the  list  of  employees  at  the 
navy  yards. 


88     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

Such  was  Iho  progrumnu'  of  humdrum  economy 
which  President  Jefferson  laid  before  Congress. 
After  the  exciting  campaign  of  1800,  when  the  pub- 
lic was  assured  that  the  forces  of  Darkness  and 
Light  were  locked  in  deadly  combat  for  the  soul  of 
the  nation,  this  tame  programme  seemed  like  an 
anticlimax.     But  those  who  knew  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son learned  to  discount  the  vagaries  to  which  he 
gave  expression  in  conversation.    As  John  Quincy 
Adams  once  remarked  after  listening  to  Jefferson's 
brilliant  table  talk,  "Mr.  Jefferson  loves  to  excite 
wonder."  Yet  Thomas  Jefferson,  philosopher,  was 
a  very  different  person  from  Thomas  Jefferson, 
practical  politician.    Paradoxical  as  it  may  seem, 
the  new  President,  of  all  men  of  his  day,  was  the 
least  likely  to  undertake  revolutionary  policies; 
and  it  was  just  this  acquaintance  with  Jefferson's 
mental  habits  which  led  his  inveterate  enemy, 
Alexander  Hamilton,  to  advise  his  party  associates 
to  elect  Jefferson  rather  than  Burr. 

The  President  broke  with  precedent,  however,  in 
one  small  particular.  He  was  resolved  not  to  fol- 
low the  practice  of  his  Federalist  predecessors  and 
address  Congress  in  j  rson .  The  President's  speech 
to  the  two  houses  in  joint  session  savored  too  much 
of  a  speech  from  the  throne;  it  was  a  symptom  of  the 


PUTTING  THL  SHIP  ON  HER  TACK     ^9 
Federalist  leaning  to  monurchi<ul  forms  und  prac- 
tices.   He  sent  his  address,  Ihcreforo,  in  writing, 
accompanied  with  letters  to  the  presiding  officrrs 
of  the  two  chambers,  in  which  he  justified  this 
departure  from  custom  on  the  ground  of  con- 
venience and  economy  of  time.    "1  have  had  prin- 
cipal regard,"  he  wrote,  "to  the  convenience  of  the 
Legislature,  to  the  economy  of  their  time,  to  the  re- 
lief from  the  embarrassment  of  immediate  answers 
on  subjects  not  yet  fully  before  them,  and  to  the 
benefits  thence  resulting  to  the  public  affairs." 
This  explanation  deceived  no  one,  unless  it  was  the 
writer  himself.    It  was  thoroughly  characteristic 
of  Thomas  Jefferson  that  he  often  explained  his 
conduct  by  reasons  which  were  obvious  after- 
thoughts —  an  unfortunate  habit  which  has  1*    his 
contemporaries  and  his  unfriendly  biographers  to 
charge  him  with  hypocrisy.    And  it  must  be  ad- 
mitted that  his  preference  for  indirect  methods  of 
achieving  a  purpose  exposed  him  justly  to  the  re- 
proaches of  those  who  liked  frankness  and  plain  deal- 
ing.   It  is  not  unfau*,  then,  to  wonder  whether  the 
President  was  not  thinking  rather  of  his  own  con  ven- 

iencewhen  he  elected  toaddress  Congress  by  written 
message,  for  he  was  not  a  ready  nor  an  impressive 
speaker.   At  all  events,  he  established  a  precedent 


I  ■ 


80     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

which  remained  unbroken  until  another  Democratic 
President,  one  hundred  and  twelve  years  later,  re- 
turned to  the  practice  of  Washington  and  Adams. 
If  the  Federalists  of  New  England  are  to  be  be- 
lieved, hypocrisy  marked  the  presidential  message 
from  the  very  beginning  to  the  end.  It  began  with 
a  pious  expression  of  thanks  "to  the  beneficent 
Being"  who  had  been  pleased  to  breathe  into  the 
warring  peoples  of  Europe  a  spirit  of  forgiveness 
and  conciliation.  But  even  the  most  bigoted  Fed- 
eralist who  could  not  tolerate  religious  views  differ- 
ing from  his  own  must  have  been  impressed  with 
the  devout  and  sincere  desire  of  the  President 
to  preserve  peace.  Peace!  peace!  It  was  a  sen- 
timent which  ran  through  the  message  like  the 
watermark  in  the  very  paper  on  which  he  wrote; 
it  was  the  condition,  the  absolutely  indispensable 
condition,  of  every  chaste  reformation  which  he 
advocated.  Every  reduction  of  public  expenditure 
was  predicated  on  the  supposition  that  the  danger 
of  war  was  remote  because  other  nations  would  de- 
sire to  treat  the  United  States  justly.  "Sail  ^ry 
reductions  in  habitual  expenditures"  were  urged  in 
every  branch  of  the  public  service  from  the  diplo- 
matic and  revenue  services  to  the  judiciary  and  the 
naval  yards.  War  might  come,  indeed,  but  "sound 


k 


PUTTING  THE  SHIP  ON  HER  TACK     SI 

principles  would  not  justify  our  taxing  the  industry 
of  our  fellow-citizens  to  accumulate  treasure  for 
wars  to  happen  we  know  not  when,  and  which 
might  not,  perhaps,  happen  but  from  the  tempta- 
tions offered  by  that  treasure." 

On  all  concrete  matters  the  President's  message 
cut  close  to  the  line  which  Gallatin  had  marked 
out.  The  internal  taxes  should  now  bo  dispensed 
with  and  corresponding  reductions  be  made  in  "our 
habituul  expenditures."  There  had  been  unwise 
multiplication  of  federal  offices,  mjiny  of  which 
added  nothing  to  the  efficiency  of  the  Government 
but  only  to  the  cost.  These  useless  offices  should 
be  lopped  off,  for  "when  we  consider  that  this 
Government  is  charged  with  the  external  and  mu- 
tual relations  only  of  these  States,  ...  we  may 
well  doubt  whether  our  organization  is  not  too 
complicated,  too  expensive."  In  this  connfction 
Congress  might  well  consider  the  Federal  Judiciary, 
particularly  the  courts  newly  erected,  and  "judge 
of  the  proportion  which  the  institution  bears  to  the 
business  it  has  to  perform."'     And  finally,  Con- 

'  The  studied  moderation  of  the  message  gave  no  hint  of  Jeffer- 
son's resolute  purpose  to  procure  the  repeal  of  the  Judiciary  Act  of 
1801.  The  history  of  this  act  and  its  repeal,  as  well  as  of  the  at- 
tack upon  the  judiciary,  is  recounted  by  Edward  S.  Corwin  in 
John  Marahall  and  the  Constitution  in  The  Chronicle*  of  Ameriea. 


I' 


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4 

32     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

gress  should  consider  whether  the  law  relating  to 
naturalization  should  not  be  revised.  "A  denial  of 
citizenship  under  a  residence  of  fourteen  years  is 
a  denial  to  a  great  proportion  of  those  who  ask 
it";  and  "shall  we  refuse  to  the  unhappy  fugitives 
from  distress  that  hospitality  which  savages  of 
the  wilderness  extended  to  our  fathers  arriving  in 
this  land?" 

The  most  inveterate  foe  could  not  characterize 
this  message  as  revolutionary,  however  much  he 
might  dissent  from  the  policies  advocated.  It  was 
not  Jefferson's  way,  indeed,  to  announce  his  inten- 
tions boldly  and  hew  his  way  relentlessly  to  his 
objective.  He  was  far  too  astute  as  a  party  leader 
to  attempt  to  force  his  will  upon  Republicans  in 
Congress.  He  would  suggest;  he  would  advise;  he 
would  cautiously  express  an  opinion;  but  he  would 
never  dictate.  Yet  few  Presidents  have  exercised 
a  stronger  directive  influence  upon  Congress  than 
Thomas  Jefferson  during  the  greater  part  of  his 
Administration.  So  long  as  he  was  en  rapport  with 
Nathaniel  Macon,  Speaker  of  the  House,  and  with 
John  Randolph,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on 
Ways  and  Means,  he  could  direct  the  policies  of 
his  party  as  effectively  as  the  most  autocratic  dicta- 
tor.   When  he  had  made  up  his  mind  that  Justice 


HONTICELU),  VimmfA,  nW  WOMB  OF  Jl^FERSON 
Photograph  by  H.  F.  Cook.  BiehnoBd.  Vftgiu. 


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PUTTiNG  THE  SHIP  ON  HER  TACK 


33 


Samuel  Chase  of  the  Supreme  Court  should  be  im- 
peached, he  simply  penned  a  note  to  Joseph  Nich- 
Olson,  who  was  then  managing  the  impeachment 
of  Judge  Pickering,  raising  the  question  whether 
Chase's  attack  on  the  principles  of  the  Consti- 
tution should  go  unpunished.  "I  ask  these  ques- 
tions for  your  consideration,"  said  the  President 
deferentially;  "for  myself,  it  is  better  that  I  should 
not  interfere."  And  eventually  impeachment 
proceedings  were  instituted. 

In  this  memorable  first  message,  the  President 
alluded  to  a  little  incident  which  had  occurred  in 
the  Mediterranean,  "the  only  exception  to  this 
State  of  general  peace  with  which  we  have  been 
blessed."    Tripoli,  one  of  the  Barbary  States,  had 
begun  depredations  upon  American  commerce  and 
the  President  had  sent  a  small  squadron  for  pro- 
tection.   A  ship  of  this  squadron,  the  schooner 
Enterprise,  had  fallen  in  with  a  Tripolitan  man-of- 
war  and  after  a  fight  lasting  three  hours  had  forced 
the  corsair  to  strike  her  colors.    But  since  war  had 
not  been  declared  and  the  President's  orders  were 
to  act  only  on  the  defensive,  the  crew  of  the  Enter- 
prise dismantled  the  captured  vessel  and  let  her  go. 
Would  Congress,  asked  the  President,  take  under 
consideration  the  advisability  of  placing  our  forces 


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I, 


84     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

on  an  equality  with  those  of  our  adversaries?  Nei* 
ther  the  President  nor  his  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury seems  to  have  been  aware  that  this  single  cloud 
on  the  horizon  portended  a  storm  of  long  duration. 
Yet  within  a  year  it  became  necessary  to  delay  fur- 
ther reductions  in  the  naval  establishment  and  to 
impose  new  taxes  to  meet  the  very  contingency 
which  the  peace-loving  President  declared  most  re- 
mote. Moreover,  the  very  frigates  which  he  had 
proposed  to  lay  up  in  the  eastern  branch  of  the 
Potomac  were  manned  and  dispatched  to  the  Medi- 
terranean to  bring  the  Corsairs  to  terms. 


Ill 


I'  1 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  CORSAIRS  OP  THE  MEDITERRANEAN 

Shortly  after  Jefferson's  inauguration  a  visitor 
presented  himself  at  the  Executive  Mansion  with 
disquieting  news  from  the  Mediterranean.    Cap- 
tain   William  Bainbridge  of  the  frigate  George 
Washington  had  just  returned  from  a  disagreeable 
mission.    He  had  been  commissioned  to  carry  to 
the  Dey  of  Algiers  the  annual  tribute  which  the 
United  States  had  contracted  to  pay.     It  appeared 
that  while  the  frigate  lay  at  anchor  under  the  shore 
batteries  off  Algiers,  the  Dey  attempted  to  requisi- 
tion her  to  carry  his  ambassador  and  some  Turkish 
passengers  to  Constantinople.    Bainbridge,  who 
felt  justly  humiUated  by  his  mission,  wrathfully 
refused.    An  American  frigate  do  errands  for  this 
insignificant  pirate?    He  thought  not!    The  Dey 
pointed  to  his  batteries,  however,  and  remarked, 
"You  pay  me  tribute,  by  which  you  become  my 
slaves;  I  have,  therefore,  a  right  to  order  you  as  I 

33 


I^J^ 


I  i    - 
j  • 


H 


36  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
may  think  proper."  The  logic  of  the  situation 
was  undeniably  on  the  side  of  the  master  of  the 
shore  batteries.  Rather  than  have  his  ship  blown 
to  bits,  Bainbridge  swallowed  his  wrath  and  sub- 
mitted. On  the  eve  of  departure,  he  had  to  sub- 
mit to  another  indignity.  The  colors  of  Algiers 
must  fly  at  the  masthead.  Again  Bainbridge  re- 
monstrated and  again  the  Dey  looked  casually  at 
his  guns  trained  on  the  frigate.  So  off  the  frig- 
ale  sailed  with  the  Dey's  flag  fluttering  from  her 
masthead,  and  her  captain  cursing  lustily. 

The  voyage  of  fifty-nine  days  to  Constantinople, 
as  Bainbridge  recounted  it  to  the  President,  was 
not  without  its  amusing  incidents.  Bainbridge 
regaled  the  President  with  accounts  of  his  Moham- 
medan passengers,  who  found  much  diflSculty  in 
keeping  their  faces  to  the  east  while  the  frigate 
went  about  on  a  new  tack.  One  of  the  faithful  was 
delegated  finally  to  watch  the  compass  so  that 
the  rest  might  continue  their  prayers  undisturbed. 
And  at  Constantinople  Bainbridge  had  curious 
experiences  with  the  Moslems.  He  announced 
his  arrival  as  from  the  United  States  of  America: 
he  had  hauled  down  the  Dey's  flag  as  soon  as  he 
was  out  of  reach  of  the  batteries.  The  port  offi- 
cials were  greatly  puzzled.     What,  pray,  were  the 


THE  CORSAIRS  S7 

United  States?    Bainbridge  explained  that  they 
were  part  of  the  New  World  which  Columbus  had 
discovered.     The  Grand  Seigneur  then  showed 
great  interest  in  the  stars  of  the  American  flag, 
remarking  that,  as  his  own  was  decorated  with  one 
of  the  heavenly  bodies,  the  coincidence  must  be  u 
good  omen  of  the  future  friendly  intercourse  of  the 
two  nations.    Bainbridge  did  his  best  to  turn  his 
unpalatable  mission  to  good  account,  but  he  re- 
turned home  in  bitter  humiliation.   He  begged  that 
he  might  never  again  be  sent  to  Algiers  with  tribute 
unless  he  was  authorized  to  deliver  it  from  the 
cannon's  mouth. 

The  President  listened  sympathetically  to  Bain- 
bridge's  story,  for  he  was  not  unfamiliar  with  the 
ways  of  the  Barbary  Corsairs  and  he  had  long  been 
of  the  opinion  that  tribute  only  made  these  pirates 
bolder  and  more  insufferable.    The  Congress  of  the 
Confederation,  however,  had  followed  the  policy  of 
the  European  powers  and  had  paid  tribute  to  se- 
cure immunity  from  attack,  and  the  new  Govern- 
ment had  simply  continued  the  policy  of  the  old. 
In  spite  of  bis  abhorrence  of  war,  Jefferson  held 
that  coercion  in  this  instance  was  on  the  whole 
cheaper  and  more  eflScacious. 
Not  long  after  this  interview  with  Bainbridge, 


%l 


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88  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
Fk-esident  Jefferson  was  warned  that  the  Pasha  of 
Tripoli  was  worrying  the  American  Consul  with 
importunate  demands  for  more  tribute.  This  Afri- 
can potentate  had  discovered  that  his  brother,  the 
Dey  of  Algiers,  had  made  a  better  bargain  with  the 
Unite  i  States.  He  announced,  therefore,  that  he 
must  have  a  new  Ireaty  with  more  tribute  or  he 
would  declare  war.  Fearing  trouble  from  this 
quarter,  the  President  dispatched  a  squadron  of 
four  vessels  under  Commodore  Richard  Dale  to 
cruise  in  the  Mediterranean,  with  orders  to  protect 
American  commerce.  It  was  the  schooner  En- 
terprise of  this  squadron  which  overpowered  the 
Tripolitan  cruiser,  as  Jefferson  recounted  in  his 
message  to  Congress. 

The  former  Pasha  of  Tripoli  had  been  blessed 
with  three  sons,  Hasan,  Hamet,  and  Yusuf.  Be- 
tween these  royal  brothers,  however,  there  seems 
to  have  been  some  incomr  tibility  of  temperament, 
for  when  their  father  d»  (Blessed  be  Allah!)  Yu- 
suf, the  youngest,  had  1  iied  Hasan  and  had  spared 
Hamet  only  because  he  could  not  lay  hands  upon 
him.  Yusuf  then  proclaimed  himself  Pasha.  It  was 
Yusuf,  the  Pasha  with  this  bloody  record,  who  de- 
clared war  on  the  United  States,  May  10, 1801,  by 
cutting  down  the  flagstaff  of  the  American  consulate. 


THE  COBSAIHS  „ 

To  apply  the  ,e™  „„  to  the  n.v«l  „p„.Uon. 
which  followed  «,  however,  to  lend  spec^u.  Z 
porUnce  to  very  tnvial  event..    Con-modore  D.le 
made  the  most  of  hi,  little  «,uadron,  it  i,  true,  con- 
voying merchantmen  through  the  str.iu  and  .long 
the  Barbary  c^t.  holding  Tripolilan  veael.  laden 
w.th  gram  m  hopeless  inactivity  o«  Gibraltar,  and 
blockading  the  port  of  Tripoli,  now  with  one  frigate 
and  now  with  another.    When  the  terms  of  enHst- 
ment  of  J>.le>s  crews  expired,  another  squadron 
was  gradually  assembled  in  the  Mediterranean, 
under  the  command  of  Captain  Hichard  V.  Morris, 
for  Congress  had  now  authorized  the  use  of  the 
navy  for  offensive  operations,  and  the  SecreUry  of 
the  Treasi^y,  with  many  misgiving,,  had  begun 
to  accumulate  his  Mediterranean  Fund  to  m«t 
contmgent  expenses. 

The  blockade  of  TriHi  seems  to  have  been  care- 
lessly conducted  by  Morris  and  was  finally  aban- 
doned. There  were  undeniably  great  difficulties  in 
the  way  of  an  effective  bl«=kade.  The  coast  af- 
forded  few  g„„d  harbors;  the  heavy  northerly 
wind,  made  navigation  both  difficult  and  hazard! 

sTn      fr""""  *''"'^'  ""'  «""''<«"»  "'■«■  their 
hallow  draft  could  stand  close  in  shore  and  elude 

the  American  frigates;  and  the  ordnance  on  the 


^1 


H  i 


40  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
American  craft  was  not  heavy  enough  to  inflict 
any  serious  damage  on  the  fortifications  guarding 
the  harbor.  Probably  these  difficiillies  were  not 
appreciated  by  the  authorities  at  Wui^hington  at 
ill  events,  in  the  spring  of  180.i  Morris  was  .sus- 
pended from  his  command  and  subsequently  lost 
lis  commission. 

In  tlie  squadron  of  which  Commodore  Preble 
i!o\.  ..<ok  .mmand  was  the  Philadelphia,  a (rigatv 
tl  irty-six  guns,  to  which  Captain  Bainbridge, 
ea^i  -  to  square  accounts  with  the  Corfiuirs,  had 
ottn  tssigned.  Late  in  October  Bainbridge  sighted 
a  Tripolitan  vessel  standing  in  shore.  He  gave 
chase  at  once  with  perhaps  more  zeal  than  discre- 
tion, following  his  quarry  well  in  shore  in  the  hope 
of  disabling  her  before  she  could  make  the  harbor. 
Failing  to  intercept  the  corsair,  he  went  about  and 
was  heading  out  to  sea  when  the  frigate  ran  on  an 
uncharted  reef  and  stuck  fast.  A  worse  predica- 
ment could  scarcely  be  imagined.  Every  device 
known  to  Yankee  .seamen  was  employed  to  free  the 
unlucky  vessel.  "The  sails  were  promptly  laid 
a-back,"  Bainbridge  reported,  "and  the  forward 
guns  run  aft,  in  hopes  of  backing  her  off,  which  not 
producing  the  desired  eflfect,  orders  were  given  to 
stave  the  water  in  her  hold,  and  pump  it  out,  throw 


THE  CORSAIRS  41 

overboard  the  lumber  and  heavy  articles  of  every 
kind,  cut  away  the  anchors  .  .   .   an.l  throw  over 
aJI  the  guns,  except  u  few  for  our  defence. 
As  a  last  resource  the  foremast  and  .nain-top^ 
gallant  mast  were  cut  away,  but  witlwut  any  bene- 
ficial  effect,  and  the  ship  remained  u  perft^t  wreck 
exposed  to  the  constaiit  fire  of  the  gunboats,  which 
could  not  be  returned." 

The  officers  advised  Bainbridge  that  the  situa- 
tion  was  becoming  intolc,  ahie  and  justified  desper- 
ate measures.    They  had  been  raked  by  a  galhng 
fire  for  more  th^  four  hours;  they  had  tried  every 
means  of  floating  the  ship;  humiliating  as  the  al- 
ternative was,  they  saw  no  other  course  than  to 
sU-ike  the  colors.    All  agreed,  therefore,  that  th^y 
should  flood  the  magazine,  scuttle  the  ship,  and 
surrender  to  the  Tripolitan  small  craft  which  hov- 
ered  around   the  doomed   frigate  like    so  many 
vultures. 

For  the  second  time  off  this  accursed  coast  Bain- 
bndge  hauled  down  his  colors.  The  vi  ws  of  the 
Tripolitan  gunboats  swarmed  aboard  and  set  about 
plundering  right  and  left.  Swords,  epaulets, 
watches,  money,  and  clothing  were  stripped  from 
the  officrs;  and  if  the  .rew  i„  the  forecastle  suf- 
fered less  it  was  because  they  had  less  to  lose 


i' 


f , 


1 1  f 


42     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

Officers  and  men  were  then  tumbled  into  boats  and 
taken  ashore,  half-naked  and  humiliated  beyond 
words.  Escorted  by  the  exultant  rabble,  these 
three  hundred  luckless  Americans  were  marched  to 
the  castle,  where  the  Pasha  sat  in  state.  His  High- 
ness was  in  excellent  humor.  Three  hundred  Amer- 
icans! He  counted  them,  each  worth  hundreds  of 
dollars.    Allah  was  good! 

A  long,  weary  bondage  awaited  the  captives. 
The  conmion  seamen  were  treated  like  galley- 
slaves,  but  the  officers  were  given  some  considera- 
tion through  the  intercession  of  the  Danish  consul. 
Bainbridge  was  even  allowed  to  correspond  with 
Commodore  Preble,  and  by  means  of  invisible  ink 
he  transmitted  many  important  messages  which 
escaped  the  watchful  eyes  of  his  captors.  De- 
pressed by  his  misfortune  —  for  no  one  then  or 
afterwards  held  him  responsible  for  the  disaster  — 
Bainbridge  had  only  one  thought,  and  that  was 
revenge.  Day  and  night  he  brooded  over  plans  of 
escape  and  retribution. 

As  though  to  make  the  captive  Americans  drink 
the  dregs  of  humiliation,  the  Philadelphia  was 
floated  oflf  the  reef  in  a  heavy  sea  and  towed  safely 
into  the  harbor.  The  scuttling  of  the  vessel  had 
been  hastily  contrived,  and  the  jubilant  Tripolitans 


THE  CORSAIRS  43 

succeeded  in  stopping  her  seams  before  she  could 
fill.  A  frigate  like  the  Philadelphia  was  a  prize  the 
like  of  which  hud  never  been  seen  in  the  Pasha's 
reign.  He  rubbed  his  hands  in  glee  and  taunted 
her  crew. 

The  sight  of  the  frigate  riding  peacefully  at  an- 
chor in  the  harbor  was  torture  to  poor  Bainbridge 
In  feverish  letters  he  implored  Preble  to  bombard 
the  town,  to  sink  the  gunboats  in  the  harbor,  to 
recapture  the  frigate  or  to  burn  her  at  her  moorhigs 
—  anything  to  take  away  the  bitterness  of  humilia- 
tion. The  latter  alternative,  indeed,  Preble  had 
been  revolving  in  his  own  mind. 

Toward  midnight  of  February  16,  1804,  Bain- 
bridge an  I  his  companions  were  aroused  by  the 
guns  of  the  fort.    They  sprang  to  the  window  and 
witnessed  the  spectacle  for  which  the  unhappy  cap- 
tain  had  prayed  long  and  devoutly.    The  PhUa- 
delphia  was  in  flames  -  red,  devouring  flames 
pouring  out  of  her  hold,  climbing  the  rigging,  lick-* 
ing  her  topmasts,  forming  fantastic  columns  — 
devastating,  unconquerable  flames  —  the  frigate 
was  doomed,  doomed!    And  every  now  and  then 
one  of  her  guns  would  explode  as  though  booming 
out  her  requiem.    Bainbridge  was  avenged. 
How  had  it  all  happened? 


M 


mm 


t! 


I    i    I 


44     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

The  inception  of  this  daring  feat  must  be  cred- 
ited to  Commodore  Preble;  the  execution  fell  to 
young  Stephen  Decatur,  lieutenant  in  command 
of  the  sloop  Enterprise.    The  plan  was  this :  to  use 
the  Intrepid,  a  captured  Tripoiitan  ketch,  as  the 
instrument  of  destruction,   equipping  her   with 
combustibles  and  ammunition,  and  if  possible  to 
burn  the  Philadelphia  and  other  ships  in  the  harbor 
while  raking  the  Pasha's  castle  with  the  frigate's 
eighteen-pounders.     When  Decatur  mustered  his 
crew  on  the  deck  of  the  Enterprise  and  called  for 
volunteers  for  this  exploit,  every  man  jack  stepped 
forward.    Not  a  man  but  was  spoiling  for  excite- 
ment after  months  of  tedious  inactivity;  not  an 
American  who  did  not  covet  a  chance  to  avenge  the 
loss  of  the  Philadelphia.    But  all  could  not  be  used, 
and  Decatur  finally  selected  five  officers  and  sixty- 
two  men.    On  the  night  of  the  3rd  of  February,  the 
Intrepid  set  sail  from  Syracuse,  accompanied  by 
the  brig  Siren,  which  was  to  support  the  boarding 
party  with  her  boats  and  cover  their  retreat. 

Two  weeks  later,  the  Intrepid,  barely  distin- 
guishable in  the  light  of  a  new  moon,  drifted  into 
the  harbor  of  Tripoli.  In  the  distance  lay  the  un- 
fortunate Philadelphia.  The  little  ketch  was  now 
within  range  of  the  batteries,  but  she  drifted  on 


THE  CORSAIRS  45 

unmolested  until  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the 
frigate.  Then  a  hail  came  across  the  quiet  bay. 
The  pilot  replied  that  he  had  lost  his  anchors  and 
asked  permission  to  make  fast  to  the  frigate  for 
the  night.  The  Tripolitan  lookout  grumbled  as- 
sent. Ropes  were  then  thrown  out  and  the  vessels 
were  drawing  together,  when  the  cry  "Amer- 
icanas!"  went  up  from  the  deck  of  the  frigate.  In 
a  trice  Decatur  and  his  men  had  scrambled  aboard 
and  overpowered  the  crew. 

It  was  a  crucial  moment.    If  Decatur's  instruc- 
tions had  not  been  imperative,  he  would  have 
thrown  prudence  to  the  winds  and  have  tried  to  cut 
out  the  frigate  and  make  off  in  her.    There  were 
those,  indeed,  who  believed  that  he  might  have 
succeeded.    But  the  Commodore's  orders  were  to 
destroy  the  frigate.    There  was  no  alternative. 
Combustibles  were  brought  on  board,  the  match 
applied,  and  in  a  few  moments  the  frigate  was 
ablaze.    Decatur  and  his  men  had  barely  time  to 
regain  the  Intrepid  and  to  cut  her  fasts.    The  whole 
affair  had  not  taken  more  than  twenty  minutes, 
and  no  one  was  killed  or  even  seriously  wounded! 
Pulling  lustily  at  their  sweeps,  the  crew  of  the 
Intrepid  moved  her  slowly  out  of  the  harbor,  in  the 
light  of  the  burning  vessel.    The  guns  of  the  fort 


u 


Ill 


i 

!     f 

If 


i 


46     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
were  manned  at  last  and  were  raining  shot  and 
sheU  wildly  over  the  harbor.    The  jack-tars  on  the 
Intrepid  seemed  oblivious  to  danger,  "commenting 
upon  the  beauty  of  the  spray  thrown  up  by  the  shot 
between  us  and  the  brilliant  light  of  the  ship,  rather 
than  calculating  any  danger,"  wrote  Midshipman 
Morris.     Then  the  starboard  guns  of  the  Phila- 
delphia, as  though  instinct  with  purpose,  began  to 
send  hot  shot  into  the  town.    The  crew  yelled  with 
delight  and  gave  three  cheers  for  the  redoubtable 
old  frigate.    It  was  her  last  action,  God  bless  her! 
Her  cables  soon  burned,  however,  and  she  drifted 
ashore,  there  to  blow  up  in  one  last  supreme  effort 
to  avenge  herself.    At  the  entrance  of  the  harbor 
the  Intrepid  found  the  boats  of  the  Siren,  and  three 
days  later  both  rejoined  the  squadron. 

Thrilling  as  Decatur's  feat  was,  it  brought  peace 
no  nearer.  The  Pasha,  infuriated  by  the  loss  of 
the  Philadelphia,  was  more  exorbitant  than  ever 
in  his  demands.  There  was  nothing  for  it  but 
to  scour  the  Mediterranean  for  Tripolitan  ships, 
maintain  the  blockade  so  far  as  weather  permitted, 
and  await  the  opportunity  to  reduce  the  city  of 
Tripoli  by  bombardment.  But  Tripoli  was  a  hard 
nut  to  crack.    On  the  ocean  side  it  was  protected 


THE  CORSAraS  47 

by  forts  and  batteries  and  the  harbor  was  guarded 
by  a  long  me  of  reefs.     Through  the  openings  in 
th,s  natural  breakwater,  the  hght-draft  native  craft 
could  pass  ,n  and  out  to  harass  the  blockading  fleet 
It  was  Commodore  Preble's  plan  to  make  a  care^ 
fully  concerted  attack  upon  this  stronghold  as  soon 
a^  summer  weather  conditions  permitted.    For 
«iis  purpose  he  had  strengthened  his  squadron  at 
Syracuse  by  purchasing  a  number  of  flat-bottomed 
gunboats  with  which  he  hoped  to  engage  the  enemy 
in  the  shal  ow  waters  about  Tripoli  while  his  larger 
vessels  shelled  the  town  and  batteries.    He  arrived 
off  the  African  coast  about  the  middle  of  July  but 
encountered  adverse  weather,  so  that  for  several 
weeks  he  could  accomplish  nothing  of  consequence. 
Finally,  on  the  3rd  of  August,  a  memorable  date  in 
the  annals  of  the  American  navy,  he  gave  the  signal 
for  action.  ® 

The  new  gunboats  were  deployed  in  two  divi- 
sions.  one  commanded  by  Decatur,  and  fully  met 
expectations  by  capturing  two  enemy  ships  in  most 
sangumary  hand-lo-'mnd  fighting.    Meantime  th. 
mam  squadron  drew  close  in  shore,  so  close,  it  is 
said    that  the  gunners  of  shore  batteries  could 
not  depress  their  pieces  sufficiently  to  score  hits. 
All  these  prehminaries  were  watched  with  bated 


I) 


r 


}1 


ir 


1 1  i 
1 ' 


48     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

breath  by  the  officers  of  the  old  Philadelphia  from 
behind  their  prison  bars. 

The  Pasha  had  viewed   the   approach  of  the 
American  fleet  with  utter  disdain.    He  promised 
the  spectators  who  lined  the  terraces  that  they 
would  witness  some  rare  sport;  they  should  see 
his  gunboats  put  the  enemy  to  flight.    But  as  the 
American  gunners  began  to  get  the  range  and  pour 
shot  into  the  town,  and  the  Constitution  with  her 
heavy  ordnance  passed  and  repassed,  delivering 
broadsides  within  three  cables'  length  of  the  batter- 
ies, the  Pasha's  nerves  were  shattered  and  he  fled 
precipitately  to  his  bomb-proof  shelter.    No  doubt 
the  damage  inflicted  by  this  bombardment    was 
very  considerable,  but  Tripoli  still  defied  the  en- 
emy.   Four  times  within  the  next  four  weeks 
Preble  repeated  these  assaults,  pausing  after  each 
bombardment  to  ascertain  what  terms  the  Pasha 
had  to  offer;  but  the  wily  Yusuf  was  obdurate, 
knowing  well  enough  that,  if  he  waited,  the  gods  of 
wind  and  storm  would  come  to  his  aid  and  disperse 
the  enemy's  fleet. 

It  was  after  the  fifth  ineffectual  assault  that 
Preble  determined  on  a  desperate  stroke.  He  re- 
solved to  fit  out  a  fireship  and  to  send  her  into  the 
very  jaws  of  death,  hoping  to  destroy  the  Tripolitan 


49 


THE  CORSAIRS 

gunboats  and  at  the  same  time  to  damage  the 
castle  and  the  town.    He  chose  for  this  perilous 
enterprise  the  old  Intrepid  which  had  served  her 
captors  so  well,  and  out  of  many  volunteers  he 
gave  the  command  to  Captain  Richard  Somers  and 
Lieutenant  Henry  Wadsworth.     The  little  ketch 
was  loaded  with  a  hundred  barrels  of  gunpowder 
and  a  large  quantity  of  combustibles  and  made 
ready  for  a  quick  run  by  the  batteries  into  the 
harbor     Certain  death  it  seemed  to  sail  this  en- 
gme  of  destruction  past  the  outlying  reefs  into  the 
midst  of  the  Tripolitan  gunboats;  but  every  pre- 
caution  was  taken  to  provide  for  the  escape  of  the 
crew     Two  rowboats  were  taken  along  and  in 
these  frail  craft  they  believed  they  could  embark 
when  once  the  torch  had  been  applied,  and  in  the 
ensmng  confusion  return  to  the  squadron 

Somers  selected  his  crew  of  ten  men  with  care, 
and  at  the  last  moment  consented  to  let  Lieutenant 
Joseph  Israel  join  the  perilous  expedition.    On  the 
night  of  the  4th  of  September,  the  Intrejnd  sailed 
off  in  the  darkness  toward  the  mouth  of  the  har- 
bor.    Anxious  eyes  followed  the  little  vessel,  trv- 
mg  to  pierce  the  blackness  that  soon  enveloped 
her.    As  she  neared  the  harbor  the  shore  batteries 
opened  fire;  and  suddenly  a  blinding  flash  and  a 


i: 


f  f 


ao     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

♦errific  explosion  told  the  fate  which  overtook  her. 
Fragments  of  wreckage  rose  high  in  the  air,  the 
fearful  concussion  was  felt  by  every  boat  in  the 
squadron,  and  then  darkness  and  awful  silence  en- 
folded the  dead  and  the  dying.  Two  days  later  the 
bodies  of  the  heroic  thirteen,  mangled  beyond  rec- 
ognition, were  cast  up  by  the  sea.  Even  Captain 
Bainbridge,  gazing  sorrowfully  upon  his  dead  com- 
rades could  not  recognize  their  features.  Just 
what  caused  the  explosion  will  never  be  known. 
Preble  always  believed  that  Tripolitans  had  at- 
tempted to  board  the  Intrepid  and  that  Somers 
had  deliberately  fired  the  powder  magazine  rather 
than  surrender.  Be  that  as  it  may,  no  one  doubts 
that  the  crew  were  prepared  to  follow  their  com- 
mander to  self-destruction  if  necessary.  In  deep 
gloom,  the  squadron  returned  to  Syracuse,  leaving 
a  few  vessels  to  maintain  a  fitful  blockade  off  the 
hated  and  menacing  coast. 

Far  away  from  the  sound  of  Commodore  Preble's 
guns  a  strange,  almost  farcical,  intervention  in  the 
Tripolitan  War  was  preparing.  The  scene  shift«i 
to  the  desert  on  the  east,  where  William  Eaton, 
consul  at  Tunis,  becomes  the  center  of  interest. 
Since  the  very  beginning  of  th<     ar,  this  energetic 


THE  CORSAIRS  5, 

and  enterprising  Connecticut  Yankee  had  taken  a 
ively  interest  in  the  fortunes  of  Hamet  Karamanh*. 
the  legitimate  heir  to  the  throne,  who  had  been 
driven  into  exile  by  Yusuf  the  pretender.    Eaton 
loved  .ntngue  as  Preble  gloried  in  war.    Why  not 
assist  Hamet  to  recover  his  throne?    Why  not 
in  frontier  pariance.  start  a  back-fire  that  would 
make  Tripoli  too  hot  for  Yusuf?    He  laid  his  plans 
before  his  superiors  at  Washington,  who.  while  not 
altogether  convinced  of  his  competence  to  play 
the  king-maker.  were  persuaded  to  make  him 
navy  agent,  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  commander 
of  the  American  squadron  in  the  Mediterranean. 
Commodore  Samuel  Barron,  who  succeeded  Preble 
was  instructed  to  avail  himself  of  the  cooperation 
of  the  ex-Pasha  of  Tripoli  if  he  deemed  it  pru- 
dent.   In  the  fall  of  1804  Barron  dispatched  Eaton 
m  the  Argus,  Captain  Isaac  Hull  commander,  to 
Alexandria  to  find  Hamet  and  to  assure  him  of 
the  coflperation  of  the  American  squadron  in  the 
reconquest  of  his  kingdom.     Eaton  entered  thus 
upon  the  coveted  role:  twenty  centuries  looked 
down  upon  him  as  they  had  upon  Napoleon 

A  mere  outline  of  what  followed  reads  like  the 
scenario  of  an  opera  bouffe.  Eaton  ransacked  Alex- 
andna  in  search  of  Hamet  the  unfortunate  but 


•'  f 


h 


II 


il  ! 


I 


il 


58     JEFFERSON  AND  Hlh  '.OLLEAGUES 
failed  to  find  the  truant.    Then  acting  on  a  rumor 
that  Hamet  had  departed  up  the  Nile  to  join 
the  Mamelukes,  who  were  enjoying  one  of  their 
seasonal  rebellions  against  constituted  authority, 
Eaton  plunged  into  the  desert  and  finally  brought 
back  the  astonished  and  somewhat  reluctant  heir 
to  the  throne.   With  prodigious  energy  Eaton  then 
organized  an  expedition  which  was  to  march  over- 
land toward  Deme,  meet  the  squadron  at  the  Bay 
of  Bomba,  and  descend  vi  et  amis  upon  the  unsus- 
pecting pretender  at  Tripoli.    He  even  made  a 
covenant  with  Hamet  promising  with  altogether 
unwarranted  explicitness  that  the  United  Stetes 
would  use  "their  utmost  exertions"  to  reestablish 
him  in  his  sovereignly.     Eaton  was  to  be  "general 
and  commandei -in-chief  of  the  land  forces."    This 
aggressive  Yankee  alarmed  Hamet,  who  clearly  did 
not  want  his  sovereignty  badly  enough  to  fight  for  it. 
The  international  army   which  the  American 
generalissimo  mustered   was  a  motley  array  — 
twenty-five  cannoneers  of  uncertain  nationality, 
thirty-eight  Greeks,  Hamet  and  his  ninety  fol- 
lowers, and  a  party  of  Arabian  horsemen  and 
camel-drivers  —  all  told  about  four  hundred  men. 
The  story  of  their  march  across  the  desert  is  a 
modern   Anabasia.    When   the  Arabs   were  not 


THE  CORSAras  J, 

Zl  '"'""*'  °'  ">"  d«"'-  only  to 

Between  Hamet.  who  w«  i„  c„„,t„t  t„„  „,  ^., 
We  .„d  ,„,.e  ready  to  abandon  the  expedition,  and 
the«  mufnou,  Arab,.  Eaton  was  in  a  position  to 

Ten  Tho««»d.  No  ordinary  per«,n.  indeed,  could 
k.ve  .urmounted  all  obstuol,.  .„d  brought  Z 
balky  forces  within  sight  of  Derne 

Supported  by  the  American  fleet  which  had 
rendezvoused  as  agreed  in  the  Bay  of  Bomb.  rt. 

^^huu*edadvan<«,uponthe^ty."i;ttt 
Arab  contingent  would  have  made  off  into  the 
deert   utforu,  .^„,„„^  H™ 

WM  orn  by  conflictrng  emotions,  in  which  a  de- 
sire  to  retreat  was  uppermost.  Eaton  was  Z 
ever,  mdefatigable  and  indomitable.  Whe"  In" 
'^  -e  Wtering  at  the  crucial  momel ,  t 
boldly  ^dered  an  assault  and  carried  the  de! 
fenses  of  the  city.  The  guns  of  the  ships  il  tte 
harbor  completed  the  discomfiture  of  the  enemy 


^H 


li   ♦ 


'I 


«4     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

Derne  won,  however,  had  to  be  resolutely  de- 
fended. Twice  within  the  next  four  weeks,  Tri- 
politan  forces  were  beaten  back  only  with  the 
greatest  difficulty.  The  day  after  the  second  as- 
•ault  (June  10th)  the  frigate  Constellation  arrived 
off  Derne  with  orders  which  rang  down  the  curtain 
on  this  interlude  in  the  Tr ipolitan  War .  Derne  was 
to  be  evacuated  I   Peace  had  been  concluded ! 

Just  what  considerations  moved  the  Adminis- 
tration to  conclude  peace  at  a  moment  when  the 
largest  and  most  powerful  American  fleet  ever 
placed  under  a  single  command  was  assembling  in 
the  Mediterranean  and  when  the  land  expedition 
was  approaching  its  objective,  has  never  been  ade- 
quately explained.  Had  the  Pi-esidenfs  belligerent 
spirit  oozed  away  as  the  punitive  expeditions 
against  Tripoli  lost  theu-  merely  defensive  char- 
acter and  took  on  the  proportions  of  offensive  na- 
val operations?  Had  the  Administration  become 
alarmed  at  the  drain  upon  the  treasury  ?  Or  did  the 
President  wish  to  have  his  hands  free  to  deal  with 
those  depredations  upon  American  commerce  com- 
mitted by  British  and  French  cruisers  which  were 
becoming  far  more  frequent  and  serious  than  ever 
the  attacks  of  the  Corsairs  of  the  Mediterranean 


I!  r 


THE  CORSAIRS  33 

had  been?  CerUk  it  i,  that  overture,  at  pe^ 
from  the  Pa.h«  were  welcomed  by  the  very  navd 
commander,  who  had  been  mo.t  eager  to  wrest 
a  victory  from  the  Corwirs.  Perhap.  they,  too 
were  wearied  by  prolonged  war  with  an  elu«ve 
loe  off  a  treacherous  coast. 

How  little  prepared  the  Administration  was  to 
susiain  a  prolonged  expedition  by  land  against 
Tripoli  to  put  Hamet  on  his  throne,  appears  in  the 
instructions  which  Commodore  Barron  carried  to 
the  Mediterranean.    If  he  could  use  Eaton  and 
Hamet  to  make  a  diversion.  »vell  and  good;  but 
he  was  at  the  same  timo  to  assist  Colonel  Tobias 
Lear.  American  Cou.ul-General  at  Algiers,  in  ne- 
gotiating terms  of  peace,  if  the  Pasha  showed  a 
eoncUiatory  spirit.    The  Secretary  of  SUte  calcu- 
lated that  the  moment  had  arrived  when  peace 
could  probably  be  secm-ed  "without  any  price  and 
pecuniary  compensation  whatever." 

Such  expecUtions  proved  quite  unwarrantci. 
1  he  Pasha  was  ready  for  peace,  but  he  still  had  his 
price.  Poor  Bainbridge.  writing  from  captivity, 
assm-ed  Barron  that  the  Pasha  would  never  let  Us 
pn«)nersgowithoutaransom.  Nevertheless. Com- 
modore  Barron  determined  to  meet  the  overtm-es 
which  the  Pasha  had  made  through  the  Danish 


If 

I  ! 
It 


«;• 


M 


56     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
consul  at  Tripoli.    On  the  24th  of  May  he  put  the 
frigate  Essex  at  the  disposal  of  Lear,  who  crossed 
to  Tripoli  and  opened  direct  negotiations. 

The  treaty  which  Lear  concluded  on  June  4, 
1805,  was  an  inglorious  document.    It  purchased 
peace,  it  is  true,  and  the  release  of  some  three  hun- 
dred sad  and  woe-begone  American  sailors.    But 
because  the  Pasha  held  three  hundred  prisoners, 
and  the  United  States  only  a  paltry  hundred,  the 
Pasha  was  to  receive  sixty  thousand  dollars.  Derne 
^'xa  to  be  evacuated  and  no  furtho*  aid  was  to  be 
given  to  rebellious  subjects.     The  United  States 
was  to  endeavor  to  persuade  Hamet  to  withdraw 
from  the  soil  of  Tripoli  —  no  very  difficult  matter 
—  while  the  Pasha  on  his  part  was  to  restore 
Hamet's  family  to  him  —  at  some  future  time. 
Nothing  was  said  about  tribute;  but  it  was  under- 
stood that  according  to  ancient  custom  each  new- 
ly appointed  consul  should  carry  to  the  Pasha  a 
present  not  exceeding  six  thousand  dollars. 

The  Tripolitan  War  did  not  end  in  a  blaze  of 
glc-  y  for  the  United  States.  It  had  been  waged  in 
the  spirit  of  "not  a  cent  for  tribute";  it  was  con- 
cluded with  a  thinly  veiled  payment  for  peace;  and, 
worst  of  all,  it  did  not  prevent  further  trouble  with 
the  Barbary  States.    The  war  had  been  prosecuted 


\l 


THE  CORSAIRS  „ 

Barron  and  ,t  ended  jm  when  the  „av.l  force, 
w^e  adequate  to  the  ta,k.  Yet.  from  „lTh^ 
pomt  of  v.ew,  fteble.  Decatur,  Somers,  andthe" 

created  ,n.per«h.ble  traditions  for  the  American 
and'^i.    T  ;'  "'"'""''"'  '  ■""«'<' »  "•-=-"- 
were  to  give  ,  ^ood  account  of  themselves  when 


CHAPTER  IV 


TmB  SHADOW  OF  THE  FIRST   CONSUL 

BAiNBRnioE  in  forlcMH  captivity  at  Trip<rfi,  Pi-eble 
■ad  Barron  keeping  anxioos  watch  off  the  stormy 
coast  of  Africa,  Eaton  marching  through  the  wind- 
swept desert,  are  pictureac^e  figures  that  arrest 
the  attention  of  the  hktOTian;  but  they  seemed  like 
shadowy  actors  in  a  remote  drama  to  the  American 
at  home,  absorbed  in  the  humdrum  activities  of 
trade  and  commerce.     Through  all  these  dreary 
years  of  intermittent  war,  other  matters  engrossed 
the  President  and  Congress  and  caught  the  atten- 
tion of  the  public.     Not  the  rapacious  Pasha  of 
Tripoli  but  the  First  Consul  of  France  held  the  cen- 
ter of  the  stage.    At  the  same  time  that  news  ar- 
rived of  the  encounter  of  the  Enterprise  with  the 
Corsairs  came  also  the  confirmation  of  rumors  cur- 
roit  all  winter   in  Europe.     Bonaparte  had  se- 
cured from  Spain  the  retrocession  of  the  province 
of  Louisiana.    From  every  point  of  view,  as  the 


THE  SHADOW  OF  THE  FIRST  CONSUL  59 
Resident  remarked,  the  transfer  of  this  vast  prov. 
ince  to  a  new  master  was  "an  inauspicious  circum- 
stance."    The  shadow  of  the  Corsican.  already  a 
menace  to  the  peace  of  Europe,  fell  across  the  seasL 
A  strange  chain  of  circumsUnces  linked  Bona, 
parte  with  the  New  World.   When  he  became  mas- 
ter  of  France  by  the  coup  (TStat  of  the  18th  Brum- 
aire  (November  9.  1799).  he  fell  heir  to  many 
policies  which  the  republic  had  inherited  from  the 
old  regime.    Frenchmen  had  never  ceased  to  la- 
ment the  loss  of  colonial  possessions  in  North 
America.    From  time  to  time  the  hope  of  reviving 
the  colonial  empire  sprang  up  in  the  hearts  of  the 
rulers  of  France.    It  was  this  hope  that  had  in- 
spu-ed  Genet's  mission  to  the  United  States  and 
more  than  one  intrigue  among  the  pioneers  of  the 
a^issippi  Valley,  during  Washington's  second 
Administration.    The  connecting  link  between  the 
old  regime  and  the  new  was  the  statesman  Talley- 
rand.   He  had  gone  into  exile  in  America  when  the 
French  Revolution  entered  upon  its  last  frantic 
phase  and  had  brought  back  to  France  the  plan  and 
purpose  which  gave  consistency  to  his  diplomacy 
m  the  office  of  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  first 
under  the  Directory,  then  under  the  First  Consul 
Had  Talleyrand  alone  nursed  this  plan,  it  would 


' 


•0  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
have  had  little  significance  in  history:  but  it  was 
eagerly  taken  up  by  a  group  of  Frenchmen  who  be- 
lieved that  France,  having  set  her  house  in  order 
and  secured  peace  in  Europe,  should  now  strive  for 
orderly  commercial  development.  The  road  to 
prosperity,  they  believed,  lay  through  the  acqui- 
sition of  colonial  possessions.  The  recovery  of 
the  province  of  Louisiana  was  an  integral  part  of 
their  programme. 

While  the  Directory  was  still  in   power   and 
Bonaparte  was  pursuing  his  ill-fated  expedition  in 
Egypt,  TallejTand  had  tried  to  persuade  the  Span- 
ish Court  to  cede  Louisiana  and  the  Floridas.    The 
only  way  for  Spain  to  put  a  limit  to  the  ambitions 
of  the  Americans,  he  had  argued  speciously,  was 
to  shut  them  up  within  their  natural  limits.    Only 
so  could  Spain  preserve  the  rest  of  her  immense 
domain.    But  since  Spain  was  confessedly  unequal 
to  the  task,  why  not  let  France  shoulder  the  re- 
sponsibility?   "The  French  Republic,  mistress  of 
these  two  provinces,  will  be  a  wall  of  brass  forever 
impenetrable  to  the  combined  efforts  of  England 
and  America,"  he  assured  the  Spaniards.    But  the 
time  was  not  ripe. 

Such,  then,  was  the  policy  which  Bonaparte  in- 
herited when  he  became  First  Consul  and  master 


THE  SHADOW  OF  THE  FIRST  CONSUL   ei 
of  the  destinies  of  his  adopted  county-.   A  dazzling 
future  opened  before  him.    Within  a  year  he  had 
pacified  Europe,  crushing  the  armies  of  Austria  by 
a  succession  of  brilliant  victories,  and  laying  pros- 
trate  the  petty  states  of  the  Italian  peninsula. 
Peace  with  England  was  also  in  sight.    Six  weeks 
after  his  victory  at  Marengo.  Bonaparte  sent  a 
special  courier  to  Spain  to  demand  -  the  word  is 
hardly  too  strong  -  the  retrocession  of  Louisiana 

It  was  an  odd  whim  of  Fate  that  left  the  destiny 
of  half  the  American  continent  to  Don  Carios  IV 
whom  Henri   Adams  calls  "a  kind  of  Spanish 
Geoiige  III "  -  virtuous,  to  be  sure,  but  heavy, 
obtuse,  inconsequential,  and  incompetent.     With 
incredible  fatuousness  the  King  gave  hi.  consent 
to  a  bargain  by  which  he  was  to  yield  Louisiana 
m  return  for  Tuscany  or  other  Italian  provinces 
which  Bonaparte  had  just  overrun  with  his  ar- 
mies.  " CongratuUte  me."  cried  Don  Carlos  to  his 
Prime  Minister,  his  eyes  sparkling,  "on  this  bril- 
liant  beginning  of  Bonaparte's  relaUons  with  Spain. 
The  Prince-presumptive  of  Parma,  my  son-in-law 
and  nephew,  a  Bourbon,  is  invited  by  France  to 
reign,  on  the  delightful  banks  of  the  Arno.  over  a 
people  who  once  spread  their  commerce  through 
the  known  worid,  and  who  were  the  controlling 


!IM 


e«  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
power  of  lUly,  —  a  people  mild,  civiUaed,  full  of 
humanity;  the  classical  land  of  science  and  art." 
A  few  war-ridden  Italian  provinces  for  an  imperial 
domain  that  stretched  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to 
Lake  Superior  and  that  extended  westward  no  one 
knew  how  far! 

The  bargain  was  closed  by  a  preliminary  treaty 
signed  at  San  Ildefonso  on  October  1,  1800.    Just 
one  year  later  to  a  day,  the  preliminaries  of  the 
Peace  of  Amiens  were  signed,  removing  the  menace 
of  England  on  the  seas.    The  First  Consul  was  now 
free  to  pursue  his  colonial  policy,  and  the  des- 
tiny of  the  Mississippi  Valley  hung  in  the  balance. 
Between  the  First  Consul  and  his  goal,  however, 
loomed  up  the  gigantic  figure  cf  ToussaintL'Ouver- 
ture,  a  full-blooded  negro,  who  had  made  himself 
master  of  Santo  Domingo  and  had  thus  planted 
himself  squarely  in  the  sea-road  to  Louisiana.    The 
story  of  this  "gilded  African,"  as  Bonaparte  con- 
temptuously dubbed  him,  cannot  be  told  in  these 
pages,  because  it  involves  no  less  a  theme  than  the 
history  of  the  French  Revolution  in  this  island, 
once  the  most  thriving  among  the  colonial  posses- 
sions of  Prance  in  the  West  Indies.     The  great 
plantations  of  French  Santo  Domingo  (the  western 
part  of  the  island)  had  supplied  half  of  Europe  with 


THE  SHADOW  OP  THE  PIKST  CONSUL  63 
sugar,  coffee,  and  cotton;  three-fourths  of  th«  im- 
porta  from  French-American  colonies  were  shipped 
from  Santo  Domingo.     As   the  result  of  class 
struggles  between  whites  and  mulattoes  for  politi- 
cal  power,  the  most  terrific  slave  insurrection  in 
the  Western  Hemisphere  had  deluged  the  island 
in   blood.    Political  convulsions   followed   which 
wrecked  the  prosperity  of  the  island.    Out  of  this 
chaos  emerged  the  one  man  who  seemed  able  to 
restore  a  semblance  of  order -the  Napoleon  of 
Santo  Domingo,  whose  character.  think.s  Henry 
Adams,  had  a  curious  resemblance  to  that  of  the 
Corsican.     The  negro  was.  however,  a  ferocious 
brute  without  the  redeeming  qualities  of  the  Corsi- 
can. though,  as  a  leader  of  his  race,  his  intelligence 
cannot  be  denied.    Though  professing  allegiance 
to  the  French  Republic.  Toussaint  was  driven  by 
circumstances  toward  independence.     While  his 
Corsican  counterpart  was  executing  his  coup  d'itai 
and  pacifying  Europe,  he  threw  off  the  mask,  im- 
pnsoned  the  agent  of  the  French  Director  ,  seized 
the  Spanish  part  of  the  island,  and  proclaimed  a 
new  constitution  for  Santo  Domingo,  assuming  all 
power  for  himself  for  life  and  the  right  of  naming 
his  successor.    The  negro  defied  the  Corsican. 
The  First  Consul  was  now  prepared  to  accept  the 


1 

'I 


64     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
challenge.   Santo  Domingo  must  be  recovered  and 
restored  to  its  former  prosperity  —  even  if  slavery 
had  to  be  reiistablished  —  before  Louisiana  could 
be  made  the  center  of  colonial  empire  in  the  West. 
He  summoned  Leclerc,  a  general  of  excellent  repu- 
tation and  husband  of  his  beautiful  sister  Pauline, 
and  gave  to  him  the  command  of  an  immense  ex- 
pedition which  was  already  preparing  at  Brest. 
In  the  latter  part  of  November,  Leclerc  set  sail 
with  a  large  fleet  bearing  an  army  of  ten  thousand 
men  and  on  January  29,  1802,  arrived  off  the  east- 
em  cape  of  Santo  Domingo.    A  legend  says  that 
Toussaint  looking  down  on  the  huge  armada  ex- 
ckimed,  "We  must  perish.    All  France  is  com- 
ing to  Santo  Domingo.     It  has  been  deceived;  it 
comes  to  take  vengeance  and  enslave  the  blacks 
The  negro  leader  made  a  formidable  resistance, 
nevertheless,  annihilating  one  French  army  and 
seriously  endangering  the  expedition.     But  he  was 
betrayed  by  his  generals,  lured  within  the  French 
lines,  made  prisoner,  and  finally  sent  to  Prance. 
He  was  incarcerated  in  a  French  fortresa  in  the  Jura 
Mountains  and  there  perished  miserably  in  1803. 
The  significance  of  these  events  in  the  French 
West  Indies  was  not  lost  upon  President  Jefferson. 
The  conquest  of  Santo  Domingo  was  the  prelude  to 


» 


THE  SHADOW  OP  THE  FIRST  CONSUL  U 
the  occupation  of  Louisiana.    It  would  be  only  a 
change  of  European  proprietor*,  of  absentee  land- 
^rds.  to  be  sure:  but  there  was  a  world  of  difference 
between  Prance,  bent  upon  acquiring  a  colonial  em- 
pire and  quiescent  Spain.   resUng  on  her  past 
achievements.    The  difference  was  personified  by 
Bonaparte  and  Don  Carlos.    The  sovereignty  of 
the  lower  Mississippi  country  could  never  be  a 
matter  of  indifference  to  those  settlers  of  Ten- 
nessee.  Kentucky,  and  Ohio  who  in  the  year  1799 
sent  down  the  Mississippi  in  barges,  keel-boats. 
and  flatboats  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand 
pounds  of  tobacco,  ten  thousand  barrels  of  flour 
twenty-two  thousand  pounds  of  hemp,  five  hun' 
dred  barrels   of   cider,   and   as   many  more   of 
whiskey,  for    transshipment   and    export.      The 
right  of  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  was  a  diplo- 
maUc  problem  bequeathed  by  the  Confederation 
TTie  treaty  with  Spain  in  1795  had  not  solved 
the  question,  though  it  had  established  a  modus 
mendt.    Spain  had  conceded  to  Americans  the  so- 
called  right  of  deposit  for  three  years  -  that  is,  the 
nght  to  deposit  goods  at  New  Orleans  free  of  duty 
and  to  transship  them  to  ocean-going  vessels;  and 
the  concession,  though  never  definitely  renewed 
was  tacitly  continued.     No;   the  people  of   the 


f 


i 


W     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
trmns-AIIeghany  country  could  not  remain  silent 
and  unprotesting   witnesses   to  the  retroceuion 
of  Louisiana. 

Nor  was  Jefferson's  interest  in  the  Mississippi 
problem  of  m.nt  origin.    Ten  years  earlier  as 
St'creury   of  Sute.    while   England   and   Spain 
seemed  about  to  rome  to  blows  over  the  Nootka 
Sound  affair,  h.  had  approached  both  France  and 
Spain  to  see  wlu  her  the  United  SUtes  might  not 
acquire  the  island  of  New  Orleans  or  at  least  a 
port  near  the  mouth  of  the  river  "with  a  circum- 
adjacent  territory,  sufficient  for  its  support,  well- 
defined,  and  extraterritorial  to  Spain."    In  case 
of  war,  England  would  in  all  probability  conquer 
Spanish  Louisiana.    How  much  better  for  Spain  to 
cede  territory  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Mississippi 
toasafe  neighbor  like  the  United  SUtesand  thereby 
make  sure  of  her  possessions  on  the  western  waters 
of  that  river.    It  was  "not  our  interest,"  wrote  Mr. 
Jefferson, "  to  cross  the  Mississippi  for  ages!" 

It  was,  then,  a  revival  of  an  eariier  idea  when 
President  Jefferson,  officially  through  Robert  R. 
Livingston,  Minister  to  France,  and  UD:)fficially 
through  a  French  gentleman,  Dupont  de  Nemours, 
sought  to  impress  upon  the  First  Consul  the  unwis- 
dom of  his  taking  possession  of  Louisiana,  without 


THE  SHADOW  OP  THE  FIRST  CONSUL  67 
ceding  to  the  United  Sutes  at  least  x\ew  Orlean. 
and  the  Florida.  a.a  "palliation."  Even  «,.  Prance 
would  become  an  object  of  auspicion.  a  neighbor 
with  whom  Americans  were  bound  to  quarrel 

Undeterred  by  this  naive  threat,  doubtless  con- 
-•denng  its  source,  the  First  Consul  pressed  Don 
Carlos  for  the  delivery  of  Louisiana.     The  Kimr 
procrastinated  but  at  length  gave  hie  promise  on 
condition  that  France  should  pledge  herself  not  to 
alienate  the  province.    Of  course,  replied  the  oblig- 
ing  Talleyrand.     The  King's  wishes  were  identi- 
cal  with  the  intentions  of  the  French  govern- 
ment^    France  would  never  ali.nate  Louisiana. 
The  First  Consul  pledged  his  word.  On  October  15 
18W.  Don  Carlos  signed  the  order  that  delivered 
Louisiana  to  France. 

While  the  President  was  anxiously  awaiting  the 
results  of  his  diplomacy,  news  came  from  Santo 
Domingo  that  Leclerc  and  his  army  had  triumphed 
over  Toussaint  and  his  faithless  generals,  only  to 
succumb  to  a  far  more  insidious  foe.  Yellow  fever 
had  appeared  in  the  summer  of  18M  and  had  swept 
away  the  second  army  dispatched  by  Bonaparte 
to  Uke  the  place  of  the  first  which  had  been  con- 
sumed  in  the  conquest  of  the  island.  Twenty-four 
thousand  men  had  been  sacrificed  at  the  very 


MICROCOPY   RESOLUTION   TEST   CHART 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


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i, 


II 
i  if 


68     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

threshold  of  colonial  empire,  and  the  skies  of 
Europe  were  not  so  clear  as  they  had  been.  And 
then  came  the  news  of  Leclerc's  death  (November 
2,  1802).  Exhausted  by  incessant  worry,  he  too 
had  succumbed  to  the  pestilence;  and  with  him, 
as  events  proved,  passed  Bonaparte's  dream  of 
colonial  empire  in  the  New  World. 

Almost  at  the  same  time  with  these  tidings  a 
report  reached  the  settlers  of  Kentucky  and  Ten- 
nessee that  the  Spanish  intendant  at  New  Ork  .^ns 
had  suspended  the  right  of  deposit.  The  Missis- 
sippi was  therefore  closed  to  western  commerce. 
Here  was  the  hand  of  the  Corsican.'  Now  they 
knew  what  they  had  to  expect  from  France.  Why 
not  seize  the  opportunity  and  strike  before  the 
French  legions  occupied  the  country?  The  Span- 
ish garrisons  were  weak;  a  few  hundred  resolute 
frontiersmen  would  speedily  overpower  them. 

Convinced  that  he  must  resort  to  stiff er  measures 
if  he  would  not  be  hurried  into  hostilities,  President 
Jefferson  appointed  James  Monroe  as  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  and  Envoy  Extraordinary  to 
France  and  Spain.    He  was  to  act  with  Robert 


'  It  is  now  clear  enough  that  Bonaparte  was  not  directly  re- 
sponsible for  this  act  of  the  Spanish  intendant.  See  Channing. 
History  of  the  United  States,  vol.  iv.  p.  312,  and  Note.  328-327. 


11^ 


'f 


THE  SHADOW  OF  THE  FIRST  CONSUL  69 
Livingston  at  Paris  and  with  Charles  Pinckney 
Minister  to  Spain,  "in  enlarging  and  more  effec- 
tually securing  our  rights  and  interests  in  the  river 
Mississippi  and  in  the  territories  eastward  there- 
of"  -  whatever  these  vague  terms  might  mean. 
The  President  evidently  read  much  i  ito  them,  for 
he  assured  Monroe  that  on  the  event  of  his  mission 
depended  the  future  destinies  of  the  Republic. 

Two  months  passed  before  Monroe  sailed  with 
his  instructions.   He  had  ample  time  to  study  them 
for  he  was  thirty  days  in  reaching  the  coast  of 
France.   The  first  aim  of  the  envoys  was  to  procure 
New  Orleans  and  the  Floridas.  bidding  as  high  as 
ten  million  dollars  if  necessary.    Failing  in  this 
object,  they  were  then  to  secure  the  right  of  deposit 
and  such  other  desirable  concessions  as  they  could 
To  secure  New  Orleans,  they  might  even  offer  to 
guarantee  the  integrity  of  Spanish  possessions  on 
the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi.    Throughout  the 
instructions  ran  the  assumption  that  the  Floridas 
had  either  passed  with  Louisiana  into  the  hands  of 
Prance  or  had  since  been  acquired. 

While  the  packet  bearing  Monroe  was  buffet- 
mg  stormy  seas,  the  policy  of  Bonaparte  under- 
went a  transformation  -  an  abrupt  transformation 
It  seemed  to  Livingston.    On  the  12th  of  March 


^ 


I?  u 


1'   ^ 

I     ^      ' 

if'; 


70     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

the  American  Minister  witnessed  an  extraordi- 
nary scene  in  Madame  Bonaparte's  drawing-room. 
Bonaparte  and  Lord  Whitworth,  the  British  Ambas- 
sador, were  in  conversation,  when  the  First  Consul 
remarked,  "I  find,  my  Lord,  your  nation  want  war 
again."  "No,  Sir,"  replied  the  Ambassador,  "we 
are  very  desirous  of  peace."  "I  must  either  have 
Malta  or  war,"  snapped  Bonaparte.  The  amazed 
onlookers  soon  spread  the  rumor  that  Europe  was 
again  to  be  plunged  into  war;  but,  viewed  in  the 
light  of  subsequent  events,  this  incident  had  even 
greater  significance;  it  marked  the  end  of  Bona- 
parte's colonial  scheme.  Though  the  motives  for 
this  change  of  front  will  always  be  a  matter  of 
conjecture,  they  are  somewhat  clarified  by  the 
failure  of  the  Santo  Domingo  expedition.  T  -^jlerc 
was  dead;  the  negroes  were  again  in  control;  the 
industries  of  the  island  were  ruined;  Rochambeau, 
Leclerc's  successor,  was  clamoring  for  thirty-five 
thousand  more  men  to  reconquer  the  island;  the 
expense  was  alarming  —  and  how  meager  the  re- 
turns for  this  colonial  venture!  Without  Santo 
Domingo,  Louisiana  would  be  of  little  use;  and 
to  restore  prosperity  to  the  West  India  island  — 
even  granting  that  its  immediate  conquest  were 
possible  —  would  demand  many  years  and  large 


t  .! 


i, 

i 


f 


THE  SHADOW  OP  THE  FIRST  CONSUL  71 
disbursements.  The  path  to  glory  did  not  he  in 
this  direction.  In  Europe,  as  Henry  Adams  ob- 
serves war  could  be  made  to  support  war;  ia 
banto  Dommgo  peace  alone  could  but  slowly  re- 
pair  some  part  of  this  frightful  waste  " 

There  may  well  have  been  other  reasons  for 
Bonaparte  s  change  of  front.    If  he  read  between 
the  Imes  of  a  memoir  which  Pontalba,  a  wealthy 
and  well-informed  resident  of  Louisiana,  sent  to 
him  he  must  have  realized  that  this  province,  too. 
while  It  might  become  an  inexhaustible  source  of 
wealth  for  France,  might  not  be  easy  to  hold. 
There  was  here,  it  is  true,  no  Toussaint  L'Ouver- 
ture  to  lead  the  blacks  in  insurrection;  but  there 
was  a  white  menace  from  the  north  which  was  far 
more  serious.    These  Kentuckians.  said  Pontalba 
trenchantly,  must  be  watched,  cajoled,  and  brought 
constantly  under  French  influence  through  agents. 
There  were  men  among  them  who  thought  of 
Wana  "as  the  highroad  to  the  conquest  of 
Mexico.       Twenty  or  thirty  thousand  of  these 
westerners  on  flatboats  could  come  down  the  river 
and  sweep  everything  before  them.    To  be  sure 
they  were  an  undisciplined  horde  with  slender  mili ' 
-v    equipment -a    striking    contrast    to    the 
xrench  legions;  but,  added  the  Frenchman    "a 


I 


«;$ 


!  H 


ll 


n 


r: 


72     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
great  deal  of  skill  in  shooting,  the  habit  of  being  in 
the  woods  and  of  enduring  fatigue  —  this  is  what 
makes  up  for  every  deficiency." 

And  if  Bonaparte  had  ever  read  a  «'emarkable 
report  of  the  Spanish  Governor  Carondelet,  he 
must  have  divined  that  there  was  something  ele- 
mental and   irresistible   in   this  down-the-river- 
pressure  of  the  people  of  the  West.     ''A  carbine 
and  a  little  maize  in  a  sack  are  enough  for  an  Amer- 
ican to  wander  about  in  the  forests  alone  for  a 
•vhole  month.    With  his  carbine,  he  kills  the  wild 
cattle  and  deer  for  food  and  defends  himself  from 
the  savages.    The  maize  dampened  serves  him  in 
lieu  of  bread.   .    .    .     The  cold  does  not  affright 
him.    When  a  family  tires  of  one  location,  it  moves 
to  another,  and  there  it  settles  with  the  same  ease. 
Thus  in  about  eight  years  the  settlement  of  Cum- 
berland has  been  formed,  which  is  now  about  to  be 
created  into  a  state." 

On  Easter  Sunday,  1803,  Bonaparte  revealed  his 
purpose,  which  had  doubtless  been  slowly  maturing, 
to  two  of  his  ministers,  one  of  whom,  Barb^  Mar- 
bois,  was  attached  to  the  United  States  through 
residence,  his  devotion  to  republican  principles, 
and  marriage  to  an  American  wife.  The  First 
Consul  proposed  to  cede  Louisiana  to  the  United 


i 


it  ': 

^ ;  f  s 
:  !  If 


THE  SHADOW  OF  THE  FIRST  CONSUL  7S 
States:  he  considered  the  colony  as  entirely  lost. 
What  did  they  think  of  the  proposal?    Marbois. 
with  an  eyt  to  the  needs  of  the  Treasury  of  which 
he  was  the  head,  favored  the  sale  of  the  province; 
and  next  day  he  was  directed  to  interview  Living-' 
ston  at  once.    Before  he  could  do  so,  Talleyrand, 
perhaps  surmising  in  his  crafty  way  the  dritt  of 
the  First  Consul's  thoughts,  startled  Livingston  by 
asking  what  the  United  States  would  give  for  the 
whole  of  Louisiana.    Livingston,  who  was  in  truth 
hard  of  hearing,  could  not  believe  his  ears.    For 
months  he  had  talked,  written,  and  argued  in  vain 
for  a  bit  of  territory  near  the  mouth  of  the  Missis- 
sippi,  and  here  was  an  imperial  domain  tossed  into 
his  lap,  as  it  were.    Livingston  recovered  from  his 
surprise  sufficiently  to  name  a  trifling  sum  which 
Talleyrand  declared  too  low.    Would  Mr.  Living- 
ston think  it  over?    He,  Talleyrand,  really  did  not 
speak  from  authority.    The  idea  had  struck  him, 
that  was  all. 

Some  days  later  in  a  chance  conversation  with 
Marbois,  Livingston  spoke  of  his  extraordinary 
interview  with  Talleyrand.  Marbois  intimated 
that  he  was  not  ignorant  of  the  affair  and  invited 
Livingston  to  a  further  conversation.  Although 
Monroe  had  already  arrived  in  Paris  and  was  now 


I 


p 


n 


74     JEFFEflSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
apprised  of  this  sudden  turn  of  affairs,  Livingston 
went  alone  to  the  Treasury  Office  and  there  in 
conversation,  which  was  prolonged  until  midnight, 
he  fenced  with  Marbois  over  a  fair  price  for  Loui- 
siana.    The  First  Consul,  said  Marbois,  demanded 
one  hundred  million  francs.    Livingston  demurred 
at  this  huge  sum.    The  United  States  did  not  want 
Louisiana  but  was  willing  to  give  ten  million  dol- 
lars for  New  Orleans  and  the  Fbridas.     What 
would  the  United  States  give  then  ?  asked  Marbois. 
Livingston  replied  that  he  would  have  to  confer 
with  Monroe.    Finally  Marbois  suggested  that  if 
they  would  name  sixty  million  francs  (less  than 
$12,000,000)  and  assume  claims  which  Americans 
had  against  the  French  Treasury  for  twenty  mil- 
lion more,  he  would  take  the  offer  under  advise- 
ment.    Livingston   would  not  commit  himself, 
again  insisting  that  he  must  consult  Monroe. 

So  important  did  this  interview  seem  to  Living- 
ston that  he  returned  to  his  apartment  and  wrote  a 
long  report  to  Madison  without  waiting  to  confer 
with  Monroe.  It  was  three  o'clock  in  the  morning 
when  he  was  done.  "We  shall  'o  all  we  can  to 
cheapen  the  purchase,"  he  wrote,  "but  my  present 
sentiment  is  that  we  shall  buy." 
History  does  not  record  what  Monroe  said  when 


Si': 


THE  SHADOW  OP  THE  FIRST  CONSUL  75 
his  colleague  revealed  tho.e  midnight  secTets.    But 
in  the  prolonged  negotiations  which  followed  Mor- 
roe.  though  ill.  took  his  part,  and  in  the  end.  on 
April  30.  1803.  set  his  hand  to  the  treaty  which 
ceded  Louisiana  to  the  United  States  on  the  terms 
set  by  Marbois.    In  two  conventions  bearing  the 
same  date,  the  commissioners  bound  the  United 
States  to  pay  directly  to  France  the  sum  of  sixty 
million  francs  ($11,250,000)  and  to  assume  debts 
owed  by  France  to  American  citizens,  estimated  at 
not  more  than  twenty  million  francs  ($3,750,000) 
Tradition  says  that  after  Marbois.  Monroe,  and 
Livingston  had  signed  their  names.  Livingston 
remarked:    "We  have  lived  long,  but  this  is  the 

noblest  work  of  our  lives From  this  day  the 

United  States  take  their  place  among  the  powers  of 
the  first  rank." 


m 


CHAPTER  V 


^1 


n 


IN  PUH9UIT  OF  THE  FLORIDAS 

The  purchase  of  Louisiana  was  a  diplomatic  tri- 
umph of  the  first  magnitude.    No  Vmerican  nego- 
tiators have  ev  er  acquired  so  much  for  so  little;  yet, 
oddly  enough,  neither  Livingston  nor  Monroe  had 
the  slightest  -motion  of  the  vast  extent  of  the  domain 
which  they  had  purchased.   They  had  bought  Lou- 
isiana "with  the  same  extent  that  it  is  now  in  the 
hands  of  Spain,  and  that  it  had  when  JVance  pos- 
sessed it,  and  such  as  it  should  be  after  the  treaties 
subsequently  entered  into  between  Spain  and  other 
States,"  but  what  its  actual  boundaries  were  they 
did  not  know.     Considerably  disturbed  that  th 
treaty  contained  no  definition  of  boundaries,  Liv- 
ingston sought  information  from  the  enigmatical 
Talleyrand.    "WTiat  are  the  eastern  bounds  of  Lou- 
isiana? "  he  asked.    "  I  do  not  know,"  replied  Tal- 
leyrand ;  "you  must  take  it  as  we  received  it. "  "  But 
what  did  you  mean  to  take?"  urged  Livingston 

76 


IN  PURSUIT  OP  THE  FLORIDAS  77 
somewhat  naively.  "I  do  not  know."  was  the 
answer.  "Then  you  mean  that  we  shall  construe 
it  in  our  own  way?  "  "  I  can  give  you  no  direction," 
said  the  astute  Frenchman.  "You  have  made  a 
noble  bargain  for  yourselves,  and  I  suppose  you 
will  make  the  most  of  it."  And  with  these  vague 
assurances  Livingston  had  to  be  satisfied. 

The  first  impressions  of  Jefferson  were  not  much 
more  definite,  for,  while  he  believed  that  the  ac 
quired  territory  more  than  doubled  the  area  of  the 
United  States,  he  could  only  describe  it  as  includ- 
ing all  the  waters  of  the  Missouri  and  the  Mississip- 
pi.     He  started  at  once,  however,  to  collect  infor- 
mation about  Louisiana .    He  prepared  a  list  ol  q  ae- 
ries which  he  sent  to  reputable  persons  Jiving  in  or 
near  New  Orleans.    The  task  was  one  in  which 
he  delighted:  to  accumulate  and  diffuse  informa- 
tion—a truly  democratic  mission  — gave  him 
more  real  pleasure  than  to  reign  in  the  Executive 
Mansion.    His  interest  in  the  trans-Mississippi 
country,  indeed,  was  not  of  recent  bu-th;  he  had 
nursed  for        u-s  an  insatiable  curiosity  about 
the  source  and  course  of  the  Missouri;  and  in 
this  very  year  he  had  commissioned  his  secrc 
tary.  Meriwether  Lewis,  to  explore  thegrer  t  river 
and  its  tributaries,  to  ascertain  if  they  afforded  a 


:  I 


78     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

direct  and  practicable  water  communication  across 
the  continent. 

The  outcome  of  the  President's  questionnaire 
was  a  report  submitted  to  Congress  in  the  fall  of 
1803,  which  contained  much  interesting  informa- 
tion and  some  entertaining  misinformation.    The 
statistical  matter  we  may  put  to  one  side,  as  con- 
temporary readers  doubtless  did;  certain  impres- 
sions are  worth  recording.    New  Orleans,  the  first 
and  immediate  object  of  negotiations,  contained, 
it  would  appear,  only  a  small  part  of  the  population 
of  the  province,  which   lumbered  some  twenty  or 
more  rural  districts.    On  the  river  above  the  city 
were  the  plantations  of  the  so-called  Upper  Coast, 
inhabited  mostly  by  slaves  whose  Creole  masters 
lived  in  town;  then,  as  one  journeyed  up-stream 
appeared  the  first  and  second  German  Coasts, 
where  dwelt  the  descendants  of  those  Germans  who 
had  been  brought  to  the  province  by  John  Law's 
Mississippi  Bubbl;,  an  industrious  folk  making 
their  livelihood  as  purveyors  to  the  city.    Every 
Friday  night  they  loaded  their  small  craft  with 
produce  and  held  market  next  day  on  the  river 
front  at  New  Orleans,  adding  another  touch  to  the 
picturesque  groups  which  frequented  the  levees. 
Above  the  Gei*-     i  Coasts  were  the  first  and  second 


IN  PURSUIT  OF  THE  FLORIDAS        79 
Acadian  Coaats,  populated  hy  the  numerous  prog- 
eny of  those  unhappy  refugees  who  were  expelled 
from  Nova  Scotia  in  1755.    Atudian  settlements 
were  scattered  also  along  the  backvaters  west  of 
the  great  river:  Bayou  Lafourche  was  lined  with 
farms  which  were  already  produc'g  cotton;  near 
Bayou  T6che  and  Bayou  Vermilion  ~  the  Attuka- 
pas  country  —  were  cattle  ranges;  and  to  the  north 
was  the  richer  grazing  country  known  as  Opelousas. 
Passing  beyond  the  Iberville  River,  which  was 
indeed  no  river  at  all  but  only  an  overflow  of  the 
Mississippi,  the  ti.    eler  up-stream  saw  on  his  right 
hand  "the  government  of  Baton  Rouge"  with  its 
scatte.ed  settlements  and  mixed  population  of 
French,  Spanish,  and  Anglo-Americans;  and  still 
farther  on,  the  Spanish  parish  of  West  Feliciana, 
accounted  a  part  of  West  Florida  and  described  by 
President  Jefferson  as  the  garden  of  the  cotton- 
growing  region.   Beyond  this  point  the  Presi   -nt'i 
description  of  Louisiana  became  less  confide       as 
reliable  sources  of  information  failed  h  im ,    His  cre- 
dulity, however,  led  him  to  make  ^ne  amazing 
statement,  which  provoked  <'••  ridicule  of  his  po- 
litical opponents,  always  ready  to  pounce  upon  the 
slips  of  this  philosopher-president.    "One  extraor- 
dinary fact  relative  to  salt  must  not  be  omitted," 


n 


it 


80     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
he  wrote  in  all  seriousness.    "There  exists,  about 
one  thousand  miles  up  the  Missouri,  and  not  far 
from  that  river,  a  salt  mountain !   The  existence  of 
such  a  mountain  might  well  be  questioned,  were  it 
not  for  the  testimony  of  several  respectable  and  en- 
terprising traders  who  have  visited  it,  and  who 
have  exhibited  Several  bushels  of  the  salt  to  the 
curiosity  of  the  people  of  St.  Louis,  where  some  of 
it  still  remains.    A  specimen  of  the  salt  has  been 
sent  to  Marietta.    This  mountain  is  said  to  be  180 
miles  long  and  45  in  width,  composed  of  solid  rock 
salt,  without  any  trees  or  even  shrubs  on  it."   One 
Federalist  wit  insisted  that  this  salt  mountain  must 
be  Lot's  wife;  another  sent  an  epigram  to  the 
United  States  Gazette  which  ran  as  follows: 

Herostratus  of  old,  to  eternalize  his  name 
Sat  the  temple  of  Diana  all  in  a  flame; 
But  JeflFerson  lately  of  Bonaparte  bought, 
To  pickle  his  fam'    ^  mountain  of  salt. 

Jefferson  was  too  much  of  a  philosopher  to  be  dis- 
turbed by  such  gibes;  but  he  did  have  certain  con- 
stitutional doubts  concerning  the  treaty.  How,  as 
a  strict  constructionist,  was  he  to  defend  the  pur- 
chase of  territory  outside  the  limits  of  the  United 
States,  when  the  Constitution  did  not  specifically 


f  ^ 


IN  PURSUIT  OF  THE  FLORIDAS        81 
grant  such  power  to  the  Federal  Government?   He 
had  fought  the  good  fight  of  the  year  1800  to  oust 
Federalist  administrators  who  by  a  liberal  interpre- 
tation were  making  waste  paper  of  the  Constitu- 
tion.  Consistency  demanded  either  that  he  should 
abandon  the  treaty  or  that  he  should  ask  for  the 
powers  which  had  been  denied  to  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment.  He  chose  the  latter  course  and  submitted 
to  his  Cabinet  and  to  his  followers  in  Congress  a 
draft  of  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  confer- 
ring the  desired  powers.     To  his  dismay  they 
treated  his  proposal  with  indiflFerence,  not  to  say 
coldness.     He  pressed  his  point,  redrafted  his 
amendment,   and   urged  its  consideration  once 
again.     Meantime  letters  from  Livingston  and 
Monroe  warned  him  that  delay  was  hazardous;  the 
First  Consul  might  change  his  mind,  as  he  was 
wont  to  do  on  slight  provocation.   Privately  JeflFer- 
son  was  deeply  chagrined,  but  he  dared  not  risk  the 
loss  of  Louisiana.    With  what  grace  he  could  sum- 
mon, he  acquiesced  in  the  advice  of  his  Virginia 
friends  who  urged  him  to  let  events  take  their 
course  and  to  drop  the  amendment,  but  he  con- 
tinued to  believe  that  such  a  course  if  persisted  in 
would  make  blank  paper  of  the  Constitution.    He 
could  only  trust,  as  he  said  in  a  letter,  'that  the 


82     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
good  sense  of  the  country  will  correct  the  evil  of 
construction  when  it  shall  produce  its  ill  effects." 

The  debates  on  the  treaty  in  Congress  make  in- 
teresting  reading  for  those  who  delight  in  legal 
subtleties,  for  many  nice  questions  of  constitutional 
law  were  involved.    Even  granting  that  territory 
could  be  acquired,  there  was  the  further  question 
whether  the  treaty-making  power  was  competent 
irrespective  of  the  House  of  Representatives.   And 
what,  pray,  was  meant  by  incorporating  this  new 
province  in  the  Union.?    Was  Louisiana  to  be  ad- 
mitted into  the  Union  as  a  State  by  President  and 
Senate?  Or  was  it  to  be  governed  as  a  dependency? 
And  how  could  the  special  privileges  given  to  Span- 
ish  and  French  ships  in  the  port  of  New  Orleans  be 
reconciled  with  that  provision  of  the  Constitution 
which  expressly  forbade  any  preference  to  be  given, 
by  any  regulation  of  commerce  or  revenue,  to  the 
ports  of  one  State  over  those  of  another?   The  exi- 
gencies of  politics  played  havoc  with  consistency,  so 
that  Republicans  supported  the  ratification  of  the 
treaty  with  erstwhile  Federalist  arguments,  while 
Federalists  used  the  old  arguments  of  the  Republi- 
cans.   Yet  the  Senate  advised  the  ratification  by  a 
decisive  vote  and  with  surprising  promptness;  and 
Congress  passed  a  provisional  act  authorizing  the 


1. 


IN  PURSUIT  OF  THE  FLORIDAS        83 

President  to  take  over  and  govern  the  territory 
of  Louisiana. 


The  vast  province  which  Napoleon  had  tossed  so 
carelessly  into  the  lap  of  the  young  Western  Re- 
public was.  strangely  enough,  not  yet  formally  in 
his  possession.     The  expeditionary  force  under 
General  Victor  which  was  to  have  occupied  Louisi- 
ana had  never  left  port.    M.  Pierre  Clement  Laus- 
sat,  however,  who  was  to  have  accompanied  the 
expedition  to  assume  the  duties  of  prefect  in  the 
province,  had  sailed  alone  in  January,  1803,  to  re- 
ceive the  province  from  the  Spanish  authorities. 
If  this  lonely  Frenchman  on  mission  possessed  the 
imagination  of  his  race,  he  must  have  had  some 
emotional  thrills  as  he  reflected  that  he  was  follow- 
ing the  sea  trail  of  La  Salle  and  Iberville  through 
the  warm  waters  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.    He  could 
not  have  entered  the  Great  River  and  breasted  its 
yellow  current  for  a  hundred  miles,  without  seeing 
in  his  mind's  eye  those  phantom  figures  of  French 
and  Spanish  adventurers  who  had  voyaged  up  and 
down  its  turbid  waters  in  quest  of  gold  or  of  distant 
Cathay.    As  his  vessel  dropped  anchor  opposite 
the  town  which  Bienville  had  founded,  Laussat 
must  have  felt  that  m  some  degree  he  was  "heir  of 


s 
f 


f 

■■I 


If:' 


84     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

all  the  ages";  yet  he  was  in  fact  face  to  face  with 
conditions  which,  whatever  their  historic  antece- 
dents, were  neither  French  nor  Spanish.    On  the 
water  front  of  New  Orleans,  he  counted  "forty-five 
Anglo-American  ships  to  ten  French."  Subsequent 
experiences  deepened  this  first  impression:  it  was 
not  Spanish  nor  French  influence  which  had  made 
this  port  important  but  those  "three  hundred 
thousand   planters   who   in   twenty   years   have 
swarmed  over  the  eastern  plains  of  the  Mississippi 
and  have  cultivated  them,  and  who  have  no  other 
outlet  than  this  river  and  no  other  port  than 
New  Orleans." 

The  outward  aspect  of  the  city,  however,  was 
certainly  not  American.  From  the  masthead  of  his 
vessel  Laussat  might  have  seen  over  a  thousand 
dwellings  of  varied  architecture:  houses  of  adobe, 
houses  of  brick,  houses  of  stucco;  some  with  bright 
colors,  others  with  the  harmonious  half  tones  pro- 
duced by  sun  and  rain.  No  American  artisans  con- 
structed the  picturesque  balconies,  the  verandas, 
and  belvederes  which  suggested  the  semi-tropical 
existence  that  Nature  forced  upon  these  city  dwel- 
lers for  more  than  half  the  year.  No  American 
craftsmen  wrought  the  artistic  ironwork  of  balco- 
nies, gateways,  and  window  gratings.    Here  was  an 


IN  PURSUIT  OF  THE  FLORIDAS        85 

atmosphere  which  suggested  the  Old  World  rather 
than  the  New.  The  streets  which  ran  at  right 
angles  were  reminiscent  of  the  old  regime:  Cond^, 
Conti,  Dauphine,  St.  Louis,  Chartres,  Bourbon, 
Orleans  —  all  these  names  were  to  be  found  within 
the  earthen  rampart  which  formed  the  defense  of 
the  city. 

The  inhabitants  were  a  strange  mixture:  Span- 
ish, French,  American,  black,  quadroon,  and  Cre- 
ole.   No  adequate  definition  has  ever  been  formu- 
lated for  "Creole,"  but  no  one  familiar  with  the 
type  could  fail  to  distinguish  this  caste  from  those 
descended  from  the  first  French  settlers  or  from  the 
Acadians.    A  keen  observer  like  Laussat  discerned 
speedily  that  the  Creole  had  little  place  in  the  com- 
mercial life  of  the  city.    He  was  your  landed  pro- 
prietor, who  owned  some  of  the  choicest  parts  of 
the  city  and  its  growing  suburbs,  and  whose  planta- 
tions lined  both  banks  of  the  Mississippi  within 
easy  reach  from  the  city.    At  the  opposite  end  of 
the  social  scale  were  the  quadroons  —  the  demi- 
monde of  this  little  capital  —  and  the  negro  slaves. 
Between  these  extremes  were  the  French  and,  in 
ever-growing  numbers,  the  Americans  who  plied 
every  trade,  while  the  Spaniards  constituted  the 
governing  class. 


-)i 


86     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

Deliberately,  in  the  course  of  time,  as  befitted  a 
Spanish  gentleman  and  officer,  the  Marquis  de  Casa 
Calvo.  resplendent  with  regalia,  arrived  from  Ha- 
vana to  act  with  Governor  Don  Juan  Manue'  de 
Salcedo  in  transferring  the  province.    A  season  of 
gayety  followed  in  which  the  Spaniards  did  their 
best  to  conceal  any  chagrin  they  may  have  felt  at 
the  relinquishment  -  happily,  it  might  not  be 
termed  the  surrender  -  of  Louisiana.   And  finally 
on  the  30th  of  November,  Governor  Salcedo  deliv- 
ered  the  keys  of  the  city  to  Laussat,  in  the  hall  of 
the  Cabildo,  while  Marquis  de  Casa  Calvo  from  the 
balcony  absolved  the  people  in  Place  d'Armes  be- 
low  from  their  allegiance  to  his  master,  the  King 
of  Spain. 

For  the  brief  term  of  twenty  days  Louisiana  was 
agam  a  province  of  France.     Within  that  time 
Laussat  bestirred  himself  to  gallicize  the  colony,  so 
far  as  forms  could  do  so.    He  replaced  the  cabildo 
or  hereditary  council  by  a  municipal  council;  he 
restored  the  civil  code;  he  appointed  French  oflScers 
to  civil  and  military  posts.    And  all  this  he  did  in 
the  full  consciousness  that  American  commissioners 
were  alr^^ady  on  their  way  to  receive  from  him 
in  turn  the  province  which  his  wayward  master 
had  sold.    On  December  20,  1803,  young  William 


'I  i- 
t  1^ 


IN  PURSUIT  OF  THE  FLORIDAS        87 

Claiborne,  Governor  of  the  Mississippi  Territory, 
and  General  James  Wilkinson,  with  a  few  compa- 
nies of  soldiers,  entered  and  received  from  Laussat 
the  keys  of  the  city  and  the  formal  surrender  of 
Lower  Louisiana.  On  the  Place  d'Armes,  promptly 
at  noon,  the  tricolor  was  hauled  down  and  the  Amer- 
ican Stars  and  Stripes  took  its  place.  Louisiana  had 
been  transferred  for  the  sixth  and  last  time.  But 
what  were  the  metes  and  bounds  of  this  province 
which  had  been  so  often  bought  and  sold?  What 
had  Laussat  been  instructed  to  take  and  give?  What 
in  short,  was  Louisiana? 


3 
I 


The  elation  which  Livingston  and  Monroe  felt  at 
acquiring  unexpectedly  a  vast  territory  beyond  the 
Mississippi  soon  gave  way  to  a  disquieting  reflec- 
tion.   They  had  been  instructed  to  offer  ten  n^IIIion 
dollars  for  New  Orleans  and  the  Floridas:  they  had 
pledged  fifteen  millions  for  Louisiana  without  the 
Floridas.    And  they  knew  that  it  was  precisely 
West  Florida,  with  the  eastern  bank  of  the  Missis- 
sippi and  the  Gulf  littoral,  that  wps  most  ardently 
desired  by  their  countrymen  of  the  West.     But 
mi,^ht  not  Louisiana  include  West  Florida?    Had 
Talleyrand  not  professed  ignorance  of  the  eastern 
boundary?    And  had  he  not  intimated  that  the 


it 


h 


88     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
Americans  would  make  the  most  of  their  bargain? 
Within  a  month  Livingston  had  convinced  himself 
that  the  United  States  could  rightfully  claim  West 
Florida  to  the  Perdido  River,  and  he  soon  won  over 
Monroe  to  his  way  of  thinking.     They  then  re- 
ported to  Madison  that  "on  a  thorough  examina- 
tion  of  the  subject"  they  were  persuaded  that  they 
had  purchased  West  Florida  as  a  part  of  Louisiana 
By  what  process  of  reasoning  had  Livingston  and 
Monroe  reached  this  satisfying  conclusion?    Their 
argument  proceeded  from  carefully  chose,,  prem- 
ises.    France,  it  was  said,  had  once  held  Louisi- 
ana  and  the  Floridas  together  as  part  of  her  colonial 
empire  m  America;  iu  1763  she  had  ceded  New  Or- 
leans and  the  territory  west  of  the  Mississippi  to 
Spam,  and  at  the  same  time  she  had  transferred  the 
Floridas  to  Great  Britain;  in  1783  Great  Britain 
had  returned  the  Floridas  to  Spain  which  were  then 
reumted  to  Louisiana  as  under  French  rule.    Ergo 
when  Louisiana  was  rc<ro-ceded  "with  the  same  ex- 
tent that  it  now  has  in  the  hands  of  Spain,  and  that 
It  had  when  France  possessed  it."  it  must  have 
included  West  Florida. 

That  Livingston  was  able  to  convince  himself  by 
this  logic,  does  not  speak  well  for  his  candor  or  in- 
telligence.   He  was  well  aware  that  Bonaparte  had 


!r', 


1 

1 


IN  PURSUIT  OF  THE  FLORIDAS        80 

failed  to  persuade  Don  Carlos  to  include  the  Flori- 
das  in  the  retrocession;  he  had  tried  to  insert  in  the 
treaty  an  article  pledging  the  First  Consul  to  use 
his  good  oflSces  to  obtain  the  Floridas  for  the 
United  States;  and  in  his   midnight  dispatch  to 
Madison,  with  the  jjrospect  of  ac(|uiring  Louisiana 
before  him,  he  had  urged  the  advisability  of  ex- 
changing this  province  for  the  more  dtsirable  Flori- 
das.   Livingston  therefore  could  not,  and  did  not, 
say  that  Spain  intended  to  cede  the  Floridas  as  a 
part  of  Louisiana,  but  that  she  had  inadvertently 
done  so  and  that  Bonaparte  might  have  claimed 
West  Florida,  if  he  had  been  shrewd  enough  to  see 
his  opportunity.     The  United  States  was  in  no 
way  prevented  from  pressing  this  claim  becriuse 
the  First  Consul  had  not  done  so.     The  fact  that 
France  had  in  1763  actually  dismembered  her  colo- 
nial empire  and  that  Louisiana  as  ceded  to  Spain 
extended  only  to  the  Iberville,  was  given  no  weight 
in  Livingston's  deductions. 

Having  the  will  to  believe,  Jefferson  and  Madison 
became  converts  to  Livingston's  faith.  Madison 
wrote  at  once  that  in  view  of  these  developments 
no  proposal  to  exchange  Louisiana  for  the  Flori- 
das should  be  entertained;  the  President  declared 
himself  satisfied  that  "our  right  to  the  Perdido  is 


m\ 


■'■■  J 


00     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

-ubsUntial  and  can  be  opposed  by  a  quibble  on 
form  only  ;  and  John  Randolph,  duly  coached  by 
the  Administration,  flatly  declared  in  the  House 
of  RepresenUtives  that  "We  have  not  only  ob- 
tamed  the  command  of  the  mouth  of  the  Missis- 
«PPi.  but  of  the  Mobile,  with  its  widely  extended 
branches;  and  there  is  not  now  a  single  stream  of 
note  rismg  within  the  United  States  and  falling  into 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico  which  is  not  entirely  our  own. 
the  Appalachicola  excepted."    From  this  moment 
to  the  end  of  his  administration,  the  acquisition 
of  West  Florida  became  a  sort  of  obsession  with 
Jefferson.     His  pursuit  of  this  phantom  claim 
involved  American  diplomats  in  strange  adven- 
tures and  at  times  deflected  the  whole  course  of 
domestic  politics. 

The  first  luckless  minister  to  engage  in  this  baf- 
fling  quest  was  James  Monroe,  who  had  just  been 
appomted  Minister  to  the  Court  of  St.  James.   He 
was  mstructed  to  take  up  the  threads  of  diplomacy 
at  Madrid  where  they  were  getting  badly  tangled 
m  the  hands  of  Charles  Pinckney,  who  was  a  better 
IK>htici«,  than  a  diplomat.    "Your  inquiries  may 
also  be  directed,"  wrote  Madison,  "to  the  question 
whether  any.  and  how  much,  of  what  passes  for 


IN  PURSUIT  OF  THE  FLORIDAS        01 

West  Florida  be  fairly  included  in  the  territory 
ceded  to  us  by  France."    Before  leaving  Paris  on 
this  mission,  Monroe  made  an  effort  to  secure  the 
good  offices  of  the  Emperor,  but  he  found  Talley- 
rand cold  and  cynical  as  ever.    He  was  given  to 
understand  that  it  was  -'i  a  question  of  money;  if 
the  Unite  J  States  were  willing  to  pay  the  price,  the 
Emperor  could  doubtless  have  the  negotiations 
transferred  to  Paris  and  put  the  deal  through.    A 
loan  of  seventy  million  livres  to  Spain,  which  would 
be  passed  over  at  once  to  France,  would  probably 
put  the  United  States  into  possession  of  the  coveted 
*2rritory.    As  an  hone:,t  man  Moi^roe  shrank  from 
this  sort  of  jobbery;  besides,  he  could  hardly  offer 
to  buy  a  territory  which  his  Government  asserted 
it  had  already  bought  with  Louisiana.    With  the 
knowledge  that  he  was  defying  Napoleon,  or  at 
least  his  ministers,  he  started  for  Madrid  to  play 
a  lone  hand  in  what  he  must  have  known  was  a 
desperate  game. 

The  conduct  of  the  Administration  during  the 
next  few  months  was  hardly  calculated  to  smooth 
Monroe's  path.  In  the  following  February  (1804) 
'resident  Jefferson  put  his  signature  to  an  act 
which  was  designed  to  give  effect  to  the  laws  of  the 
United  States  in  the  newly  acquu-ed  territory.  The 


1 


n     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

fourth  «c.,i„„  „,  „,i,  ^,,1^  j,^y,_^ 

exphcUy  within  th.  revenue  di.tnct  of  Mi„i„"S 
Jl  the  n«v,g«ble  w„le«  |yi„g  „i,ii„  „,,  ^j^.^ 
State,  „d  emptying  iototheGu«e.,toJtheMi». 

unleM  the  Florid*,  were  n  part  „f  the  United  State, 
there  were  no  river,  within  the  limit,  of  the  United 
Stat..,  emptying  into  the  Gulf  eu.t  of  the  Mi«i. 
«PP-.  The  eleventh  «K.tion  w«,  even  mo.,  remwlc- 
.ble  .moe  ,t  gave  the  P„,ident  authority  to  erect 
Mobile  Bay  and  Biver  into  .  ,ep.rate^,ve^ 
district  and  to  dcignate  a  port  of  entry 

Thi,  cool  appropriation  of  Spani.h  territory  wa, 
too  much  for  the  excitable  Spanish  Mini,ter.  Don 
Carlo,  Martinez  Yrujo.  who  bu„t  into  Madison', 
office  one  mormng  with  a  copy  of  the  act  in  hi, 
hand  and  with  angry  protct,  on  hi,  lip,.   He  had 
been  on  excellent  term,  with  Madi«>n  and  had 
ejioyed  Jefferson-,  friendship  and  hospitality  at 
Monticd  o:  but  he  was  the  accredited  repi^L. 
trve  of  His  Catholic  Majesty  and  bound  to  defend 
hi,  sovereignty.    He  fairly  overwhelmed  the  timid 
Madison  with  reproaches  that  could  never  be  for- 
given or  forgotten;  and  from  thi,  moment  he  was 
pe»,na  mn  grata  in  the  Department  of  State. 
Madlwn  doubtless  took  Yrujo',  reproache,  more 


\m 


IN  PURSUIT  OF  THE  FLORfDAS         93 
to  heart  just  becaust-  he  felt  himself  in  a  fal»<.  posi- 
tion.   The  Administration  ha<J  allowed  the  transfer 
of  Louisiana  to  be  made  in  tho  full  knowledge  that 
Laussat  had  been  instructed  to  claim  Louisiana  as 
far  as  the  Rio  Bravo  on  the  west  but  only  as  far  as 
the  Iberville  on  the  east.    Laussat  hud  finally  ad- 
mitted  as  much  confidentially  to  the  American 
commissioners.     Yet  the  Administration  had  not 
protested.    And  now  it  was  acting  on  the  assuiup- 
tion  that  it  might  dispose  of  the  Gulf  littoral, 
the  West  Florida  coast,  as  it  pleased.     Madison 
was  bound  to  admit  in   his  heart  of  hearts  that 
Yrujo  had  reason  to  be  angry.    A  few  weeks  later 
the  President  relieved  the  tense  situation,  though  at 
the  price  of  an  obvious  evasion,  by  issuing  a  procla- 
mation which  declared  all  the  shores  and  waters 
"lying  within  the  boundaries  of  the  United  States'" 
to  be  a  revenue  district  with  Fort  Stoddert  hs  the 
port  of  entry.    But  the  mischief  had  been  done  and 
no  constructive  interpretation  of  the  act  h     the 
President  could  efface  the  impression  first  made 
upon  the  mind  of  Yrujo.    Congress  had  meant  to 
appropriate  West  Florida  and  the  President  had 
suffered  the  bill  to  become  Jaw. 
Nor  wa£,  Pinckney's  conduct  at  Madrid  likely  to 

'  The  italic*  are  President  JpfPersons. 


M     JKFFEBSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

ta  t'of r?;:  "'■'"™  ''^'■"-  "^"o  y^'-'  '^^'''«. 

m  1808,  he  had  negotiated  a  convention  by  which 
Spam  ^  to  pay  i„d,^,.ty  ,^^  depredation, 
«.mm.tted  by  her  cruisers  in  the  late  war  between 
France  and  the  United  States.  This  convention 
had  been  raffled  somewhat  tardily  by  the  Senate 
and  now  waited  on  the  pleasure  of  the  Spanish  Gov- 

rat  ficaf  on  by  Spain,  which  was  talcen  for  granted- 
but  h,  was  explicitly  warned  to  leave  the  matter  o; 
the  Flonda  claims  to  Monroe.    When  he  presented 
the  demands  of  his  Government  to  Cevallos,  the 
Fore^p,  Mmister,  he  was  met  in  turn  with  a  de- 
mand  for  explanaUons.    What.  pray,  did  his  C  .v- 
ernment  mean  by  this  act?    To  Pinckney's  aston- 
ishment, he  was  confronted  with  a  copy  of  the  Mo- 
b.le  Act.  which  Yrujo  had  forwarded.    The  South 
Carolinian  replied,  in  a  tone  that  was  not  cal,  ulated 
tosooUie  ruffled  feelings,  that  he  had  already  been 
advised  that  West  Florida  was  included  in  the  Lou 
jsiana  purchase  and  had  so  reported  to  Cevallos. 
He  urged  that  the  two  subjects  be  kept  separate 
«.d  begged  His  Excellency  to  have  confidence  m 
he  honor  and  justice  of  the  United  States.   Delays 
fol  owed  until  Cevallos  finally  declared  sharp^ 
that  the  treaty  v   uld  be  ratified  only  on  sevXa^ 


I*    '' 
Si    ! 


"■^TTi-T" 


IN  PURSUIT  OF  THE  FLORIDAS        95 

conditions,  one  of  which  was  that  the  Mobile  Act 
should  be  revoked.  Pinckney  then  threw  discre- 
tion  to  the  winds  and  announced  that  he  would 
ask  for  his  passports;  but  his  bluster  did  not 
change  Spanish  policy,  and  he  dared  not  carry  out 
his  threat. 

It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  Monroe 
arrived  in  Madrid  on  his  difficult  mission.   He  was 
charged  with  the  delicate  task  of  persuading  a  Gov- 
ernment whose  pride  had  been  touched  to  the  quick 
to  ratify  the  claims  convention,  to  agree  to  a  com- 
mission to  adjudicate  other  claims  which  it  had  re- 
fused to  recognize,  to  yield  West  Florida  as  a  part 
of  the  Louisiana  purchase,  and  to  accept  two  mil- 
lion dollars  for  the  rest  of  Florida  i  ist  of  the  Per- 
dido  River.    In  preparing  these  extraordinary  in- 
structions, the  Secretary  of  State  labored  under  the 
hallucination  that  Spain,  on  the  verge  of  war  with 
England,  would  pay  handsomely  for  the  friendship 
of  the  United  States,  quite  forgetting  that  the  real 
master  of  Spain  was  at  Paris. 

The  story  of  Monroe's  five  weary  months  in 
Spain  may  be  briefly  told.  He  was  in  the  unstrate- 
gic  position  of  one  who  asks  for  everything  and  can 
concede  nothing.  Only  one  consideration  could 
probably  have  forced  the  Spanish  Government  to 


•V6  i 


96     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

yield,  and  that  was  fear.    Spain  had  now  declared 
war  upon  England  and  might  reasonably  be  sup- 
posed to  prefer  a  solid  accommodation  with  tht 
United  States,  as  Madison  intimated,  rather  than 
add  to  the  number  of  her  foes.    But  Cevallos  ex- 
hibited no  signs  of  fear;  on  the  contrary  he  pro- 
fessed an  amiable  willingness  to  discuss  every  point 
at  great  length.    Every  effort  on  the  part  of  the 
American  to  reach  a  conclusion  was  adroitly  elud- 
ed.   It  was  a  game  in  which  the  Spaniard  had  no 
equal.    At  last,  when  indubitable  assurances  came 
to  Monroe  froia  Paris  that  Napoleon  would  not 
suffer  Spain  to  make  the  slightest  concession  either 
in  the  matter  of  spoliation  claims  or  any  other 
claims,  and  that,  in  the  event  of  a  break  between 
the  United  States  and  Spain,  he  would  surely  take 
the  part  of  Spain,  Monroe  abandoned  the  game  and 
asked  for  his  passports.    Late  in  May  he  returned 
to  Paris,  where  he  joined  with  General  Armstrong, 
who  had  succeeded  Livingston,  in  urging  upon  the 
Administration  the  advisability  of  seizing  Texas 
leaving  West  Florida  alone  for  the  present. 

Months  of  vacillation  followed  the  failure  of 
Monroe's  mission.  The  President  could  not  shake 
off  his  obsession,  and  yet  he  lacked  the  resolution  to 
employ  force  to  take  either  Texas,  which  he  did  not 


'M- 


IN  PURSUIT  OF  THE  FLORIDAS        97 
want  but  was  entitled  to.  or  West  Florida  which  he 
ardently  desired  but  whose  title  was  in  dispute.   It 
was  not  until  November  of  the  following  year 
(1805)  that  the  Administration  determined  on  a 
definite  policy.    In  a  meet:  g  of  the  Cabinet  "I 
proposed."  Jefferson  recorded  in  a  memorandum, 
we  should  address  ourselves  to  France,  informing 
her  It  was  a  last  effort  at  amicable  settlement  with 
Spam  and  offer  to  her.  or  through  her,"  a  sum  not 
to  exceed  five  million  dollars  for  the  Floridas     The 
chief  obstacle  in  the  way  of  this  programme  was  the 
uncertain  mood  of  Congress,  for  a  vote  of  credit 
was  necessary  and  Congress  might  not  take  kindly 
to  Napoleon  as  intermediary.   Jefferson  then  set  to 
work  to  draft  a  message  which  would  "alarm  the 
fears  of  Spain  by  a  vigorous  language,  in  order  to 
mduce  her  to  join  us  in  appealing  to  the  interference 
of  the  Emperor." 

The  message  sent  to  Congress  alluded  briefly  to 
the  negotiations  with  Spain  and  pointed  oui  the 
unsatisfactory  relations  which  still  obtained.  Spain 
had  shown  herself  unwilling  to  adjust  claims  or 
the  boundaries  of  Louisiana;  her  depredations  on 
American  commerce  had  been  renewed;  arbitrary 
duties  and  vexatious  searches  continued  to  obstruct 

American  shipping  on  the  Mobile;  inroads  had 

7 


I 


■f 


98     JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
been  made  on  American  territory;  Spanish  officers 
and  soldiers  had  seized  the  property  of  American 
citizens.    It  was  hoped  that  Spain  would  view  these 
injuries  in  their  proper  hght;  if  not.  then  the  United 
States  "must  join  in  the  unprofitable  contest  of  try- 
ing which  party  can  do  the  other  the  most  harm. 
Some  of  these  injuries  may  perhaps  admit  a  peace- 
able remedy.    Where  that  is  competent,  it  is  always 
the  most  desirable.    But  some  of  them  are  of  a  na- 
ture to  be  met  by  force  only,  and  all  of  them  mav 
lead  to  it." 

Coming  from  the  pen  of  a  President  who  had  de- 
clared that  peace  was  his  passion,  these  belligerent 
words  caused  some  bewilderment  but.  on  the  whole, 
very  considerable  satisfaction  in  Republican  cir^ 
cles.  where  the  possibility  of  rupture  had  been  free- 
ly discussed.   The  people  of  the  Southwest  took  the 
President    ,  nis  word  and  looked  forward  with  en- 
thusi  .o.n  to  a  war  which  would  surely  overthrow 
Spanish  rule  in  the  Floridas  and  yield  the  cov- 
eted lands  along  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.    The  country 
awaited  with  eagerness  those  further  details  which 
the  President  had  promised  to  set  forth  in  another 
message.    Those  were  felt  to  be  historic  moments 
full  of  dramatic  possibilities. 
Three  days  later,  behind  closed  doors.  Congress 


-^•ff 


IN  PURSUIT  OF  THE  FLORIDAS        99 
Ustened  to  the  special  message  which  was  to  put  the 
nation  to  the  supreme  test.   Alas  for  those  who  had 
expected  a  trumpet  call  to  battle.    Never  was  a 
state  paper  better  calculated  to  wither  martial 
spirit.    In  dull  fashion  it  recounted  the  events  of 
Monroe's  unlucky  mission  and  announced  the  ad- 
vance of  Spanish  forces  in  the  Southwest,  which, 
however,  the  President  had  not  repelled,  conceiv- 
ing that  "Congress  alone  is  constitutionally  in- 
vested with  the  power  of  changing  our  condition 
from  peace  to  war."    He  had  "barely  instructed" 
our  forces  "to  patrol  the  borders  actually  delivered 
to  us."    It  soon  dawned  upon  the  dullest  intelli- 
gence that  the  President  had  not  the  slightest  in- 
tention to  recommend  a  declaration  of  war.    On 
the  contrary,  he  was  at  pains  to  point  out  the  path 
to  peace.    There  was  reason  to  believe  that  France 
was  now  disposed  to  lend  her  aid  in  effecting  a  set- 
tlement with  Spain,  and  "not  a  moment  should  be 
lost  in  availing  ourselves  of  it."    "Formal  war  is 
not  necessary,  it  is  not  probable  it  will  follow;  but 
the  protection  «f  our  citizens,  the  spirit  and  honor 
of  our  country,  require  that  force  should  be  in- 
terposed to  a  certain  degree.     It  will  prohably 
contribute  to  advance  the  object  of  p^ace." 
After  the  wariike  tone  of  the  first  m..  ^age,  this 


i'  I 


I 


100  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
sounded  like  a  retreat.    It  outraged  the  feelings  of 
the  war  party.  It  was.  to  their  minds,  an  anticlimax 
a  pusulanimous  surrender.    None  was  angrier  than 
John  Randolph  of  Virginia,  hitherto  the  leader 
of  the  forces  of  the  Administration  in  the  House. 
He  did  not  hesitate  to  express  his  disgust  with  "this 
double  set  of  opinions  and  principles";  and  his 
anger  mounted  when  he  learned  that  as  Chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means  he  was  ex- 
pected  to  propose  and  carry  through  an  appropria- 
tion of  two  million  dollars  for  the  purchase  of 
Florida.     Further  interviews  with  the  President 
and  the  Secretary  of  State  did  not  mollify  him,  for 
according  to  his  version  of  these  conversations,  he 
was  informed  that  France  would  not  permit  Spain 
to  adjust  her  diflFerences  with  the  United  Spates 
which  had.  therefore,  the  alternative  of  paying 
France  handsomely  or  of  facing  a  war  with  both 
France  and  Spain.    Then  Randolph  broke  loose 
from  all  restraint  and  swore  by  all  his  gods  that 
he  would  not  assume  responsibility  for  "deliver- 
ing the  public  purse  to  the  first  cut-throat  that 
demanded  it." 

Randolph's  opposition  to  the  Florida  programme 
was  more  than  an  unpleasant  episode  in  JeflFerson's 
administration;  it  proved  to  be  the  beginning  of  a 


■J  ? 


IN  PURSUIT  OF  THE  FLORIDAS       loi 
revolt  which  was  fatal  to  the  President's  diplomacy 
for  Randolph  passed  rapidly  from  passive  to  active 
opposition  and  fought  the  two-million  dollar  bill 
to  the  bitter  end.     When  the  House  finally  out- 
voted  him  and  his  faction,  .oon  to  be  known  as  the 
"Quids,"  and  the  Senate  had  concurred,  precious 
weeks  had  been  lost.    Yet  Madison  must  bear  some 
share  of  blame  for  the  delay  since,  for  some  reason, 
never  adequately  explained,  he  did  not  send  in- 
structions  to  Armstrong  until  four  weeks  after  the 
action  of  Congress.   It  was  then  too  late  to  bait  the 
master  of  Europe.    Just  what  had  happened  Arm- 
strong could  not  ascertain;  but  when  Napoleon  set 
out  in  October.  1806.  on  that  fateful  campaign 
which  crushed  Prussia  at  Jena  and  AuerstSdt.  the 
chance  of  acquiring  Florida  had  passed. 


•T  1 


1 


'%■ 


CHAPTER  VI 


i  \* 


AN  AMERICAN  CATILINE 

With  the  transfer  of  Louisiana,  the  United  States 
entered  upon  its  first  experience  in  governing  an 
aJien  civilized  people.    At  first  view  there  is  some- 
thing  incongruous  in  the  attempt  of  the  young  Re- 
pubhc.  founded  upon  the  consent  of  the  governed, 
to  rule  over  a  people  whose  land  had  been  annexed 
without  their  consent  and  whose  preferences  in  the 
matter  of  government  had  never  been  consulted. 
Ihe  incongruity  appears  the  more  striking  when  it 
IS  recalled  that  the  author  of  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence was  now  charged  with  the  duty  of  ap- 
pomting  all  officers,  civil  and  military,  in  the  new 
territory.    King  George  III  had  never  ruled  more 
autocratically  over  any  of  his  North  American 
colonies  than  President  Jefferson  over  Louisiana 
through  Governor  William  Claiborne  and  General 
James  Wilkinson. 
The  leaders  among  the  Creoles  and  better  class 

102 


AN  AMERICAN  CATILINE  lOS 

of  Americans  counted  on  a  speedy  escape  from  this 
autocratic  government,  which  was  confessedly  tem- 
porary.    The  terms  of  the  treaty,  indeed,  encour- 
aged the  hope  that  Louisiana  would  be  admitted  at 
once  as  a  State.    The  inhabitants  of  the  ceded  terri- 
tory were  to  be  "incorporated  into  the  Union." 
But  Congress  gave  a  different  interpretation  to 
these  words  and  dashed  all  hopes  by  the  act  of  1804, 
which,  while  it  conceded  a  legislative  council,  made' 
its  members  and  all  officers  appoinuve,  and  di- 
vided the  province.    A  delegation  of  Creoles  went 
to  Washington  to  protest  against  this  inconsiderate 
treatment.    They  bore  a  petition  which  contained 
many  stiletto-like  thrusts  at  the  President.    What 
about  those  elemental  rights  of  representation  and 
election  which  h:>d  figured  in  the  glorious  contest 
for  freedom.?    "  Do  political  axioms  on  the  Atlantic 
become  problems  when  transferred  to  the  shores  of 
the  Mississippi?"     To  such  arguments  Congress 
could  not  remain  wholly  indifferent.    The  outcome 
was  a  third  act  (March  2,  1805)  which  established 
the  usual  form  of  territorial  government,  an  elec- 
tive legislature,  a  delegate  in  Congress,  and  a  Gover- 
nor appointed  by  the  President.    To  a  people  who 
had  counted  on  statehood  these  concessions  were 
small  pinchbeck.    Their  irritation  was  not  allayed, 


it 


i  H 


104   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

and  it  conUnued  to  focus  upon  Governor  Claiborne, 
the  distrusted  agent  of  a  government  which  they 
neither  liked  nor  respected. 

Strange    currents    and    counter-currents    ran 
through  the  lif<.  of  this  distant  province.   Casa  Cal- 
vo  and  Morales,  the  former  Spanish  officials,  con- 
tinned  to  reside  in  the  city,  like  spiders  at  the  center 
of  a  web  of  Spanish  intrigue;  and  the  threads  of 
their  web  extended  to  West  Florida,  where  Cover- 
nor  Folch  watched  every  movement  of  Americans 
up  and  down  the  Mississippi,  and  to  Texas,  where 
Salcedo,  Captain-General  of  the  Internal  Provinces 
of  Mexico,  waited  for  overt  aggressions  from  land- 
hungry  American  frontiersmen.   All  these  Spanish 
agents  knew  that  Monroe  had  left  Madrid  empty- 
handed  yet  still  asserting  claims  that  were  ill-dis- 
guised threats;  but  none  of  them  knew  whether  the 
impending  blow  would  fall  upon  West  Florida  tr 
Texas.    Then,  too.  right  under  their  eyes  was  the 
Mexican  Association,  formed  for  the  avowed  pur^ 
pose  of  collecting  information  about  Mexico  which 
would  be  useful  if  the  United  States  should  become 
involved  in  war  with  Spain.    In  the  city,  also,  were 
adventurous   individuals   ready  for   any  daring 
move  upon  Mexico,  where,  according  to  credible  re- 
ports, a  revolution  was  imminent.   The  conquest  of 


111 


AN  AMERICAN  CATILINE  105 

Mexico  was  the  day-dream  of  many  an  adventurer. 
In  his  memoir  advising  Bonaparte  to  lake  and  hold 
Louisiana  a?  an  impenetrable  barrier  to  Mexiro. 
Pontalba  had  said  with  stronipj  conviction:  "It  is 
the  surest  means  of  destroying  forevr  the  bold 
schemes  with  which  several  individuals  in  the 
United  States  never  cease  filling  the  newspapers, 
by  designating  Louisiana  as  the  highroad  to  the 
conquest  of  Mexico." 

Into  this  web  of  intrigue  walked  the  late  Vice- 
President  of  the  United  States,  leisurely  journeying 
through  the  Southwest  in  the  summer  of  1805. 

Aaron  Burr  is  one  of  the  enigmas  of  American 
poliUcs.  Something  of  the  mystery  and  romance 
that  shroud  the  evil-doings  of  certain  Italian  des- 
pots of  the  age  of  the  Renaissance  envelops  him. 
Despite  the  researches  of  historians,  the  tangled 
web  of  Burr's  conspiracy  has  never  been  unrav- 
eled. It  remains  the  most  fascinating  though, 
perhaps,  the  least  important  episode  in  JeflFerson's 
administration.  Yet  Burr  himself  repays  study, 
for  his  activities  touch  many  sides  of  contempo- 
rary society  and  illuminate  many  dark  comers  in 
American  politics. 

According  to  the  principles  of  eugenics,  Burr  was 


m  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
well-bo'n,  and  by  aJl  the  lawn  of  this  pseudo-icience 
fcboul''    ave  left  an  honorable  name  behind  him. 
H  .   -cher  waa  a  Presbyterian  clergyman,  sound  in 
the  faith,  who  presided  over  the  infancy  of  the 
College  of  New  Jersey;  his  maternal  grandfather 
was  that  massive  divine,  Jonathan  Edwards.    Af- 
ter graduating  at  Princeton.  Burr  began  to  study 
law  but  threw  aside  his  law  books  on  hearing  the 
news  of  Lexington.     He  served  with  distinction 
under  Arnold  before  Quebec,  under  Washington 
in  the  battle  of  Long  Island,  and  later  at  Mon- 
mouth,  and  retired  with  the  rank  oi  lieutenant 
colonel  in  1779.    Before  the  close  of  the  Revolu- 
tion  he  had  begun  the  practice  of  law  in  New 
York,  and  had  married  the  widow  of  a  British 
army  officer;  entering  politics,  he  became  in  turn 
a  member  of  the  State  Assembly,  Attorney-Gen- 
eral, and  United  States  Senator.    But  a  mere 
enumeration  of  such  details  does  not  it!,  the  story 
of  Burr's  life  and  character.     Interwoven  with 
the  strands  of  his  public  career  is  a  bewildering 
succession  of  intrigues  and  adventures  in  which 
women  have  a  conspicuous  part,  for  Burr  was  a 
fascinating  man  and  disarmed  distrust  by  avoid- 
ing any  false  assumption  of  virtue.     His  mar- 
riage, however,  proved  happy.    He  adored  his 


l|  • 


AN  AMERICAN  CATILINE  IQfT 

wife  and  fairly  worshiped  his  strikingly  beautiful 
daughter  Theodosia. 

Bu.  r  throve  in  the  atmosphere  of  intrigue.  New 
York  politics  afforded  his  proper  milieu.  How  he 
ingratiated  himself  with  politicians  of  high  and  low 
degree,  jw  he  unlocked  the  doors  to  political  pre- 
ferment; how  he  became  one  of  the  first  bosses  of 
the  city  of  New  York;  how  he  combined  public 
service  with  private  interest;  how  he  organized  the 
voters  —  no  documents  disclose.  Only  now  and 
then  the  enveloping  fog  lifts,  as,  for  example,  dur- 
ing the  memorable  election  of  1800,  when  the  igno- 
rant voters  of  the  seventh  ward,  duly  drilled  and 
marshaled,  carried  the  city  for  the  Republicans, 
and  not  even  Colonel  Hamilton,  riding  on  his  white 
horse  from  precinct  to  precinct,  could  stay  the  rout. 
That  election  carried  New  York  for  Jefferson  and 
made  Burr  the  logical  candidate  of  the  party  for 
Vice-President. 

These  political  strokes  betoken  a  brilliant  if  not 
always  a  steady  and  reliable  mind.  Burr,  it  must 
be  said,  was  not  trusted  even  by  his  political  asso- 
ciates. It  is  significant  that  Wishington,  a  keen 
judge  of  men,  refused  to  appoint  Burr  as  Min- 
ister to  France  to  succeed  Morris  because  he  was 
not  convinced  of  his  integrity.     And  Jefferson 


)'• 


4 


rj 


108   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

shared  these  misgivings,  though  the  exigencies  of 
pohtics  made  him  dissemble  his  feehngs  It  is 
sigmficant,  also,  that  Burr  was  always  surrounded 
by  men  of  more  than  doubtful  intentions  ~  place- 
hunters  and  self-seeking  politicians,  who  had  the 
gambler's  instinct. 

As  Vice-President,  Burr  could  not  hope  to  exert 
much  mfluence  upon  the  Administration,  since  the 
office  m  itself  conferred  little  power  and  did  not 
even,  according  to  custom,  make  him  a  member  of 
the  Cabmet;  but  as  Republican  boss  of  New  York 
who  had  done  more  than  any  one  man  to  secure  the 
election  of  the  ticket  in  1800,  he  might  reasonably 
expect  JeflFerson  and  his  Virginia  associates  to  treat 
him  with  consideration  in  the  distribution  of  pa- 
tronage.    To  his  intense  chagrin,  he  was  ignored- 
not  only  ignored  but  discredited,  for  JeflFerson  de- 
liberately allied  himself  with  the  Clintons  and  the 
Livingstons,  the  rival  factions  in  New  York  which 
were  bent  upon  driving  Burr  from  the  party.   This 
treatment  filled  Burr's  heart  with  malice;  but  he 
nursed  his  wounds  in  secret  and  bided  his  time 

Realizing  that  he  was  politically  bankrupt.  Bun- 
made  a  hazard  of  new  fortunes  in  1804  by  oflFering 
himself  as  candidate  for  Governor  of  New  York  an 
office  then  held  by  George  Chnton.    Early  in  the 


AN  AMERICAN  CATILINE  109 

year  he  had  a  remarkable  interview  with  JeflFerson 
in  which  he  observed  that  it  was  for  the  interest  of 
the  party  for  him  to  retire,  but  that  his  retirement 
under  existing  circumstances  would  be  thought  dis- 
creditable. He  ':skfcii  "some  mark  of  favor  from 
me,"  JeflFerson  v  -ote  in  liis  journal,  "which  would 
declare  to  the  w( .  id  that  he  etired  with  my  confi- 
dence" —  an  executive  appointment,  in  short. 
This  was  tantamount  to  an  offer  of  peace  or  war. 
Jefferson  declined  to  gratify  him,  and  Burr  then 
began  an  intrigue  with  the  Federalist  leaders  of 
New  England. 

The  rise  of  a  Republican  party  of  challenging 
strength  in  New  England  cast  Federalist  leaders 
into  the  deepest  gloom.  Already  troubled  by  the 
annexation  of  Louisiana,  which  seemed  to  them  to 
imperil  the  ascendancy  of  New  England  in  the 
Union,  they  now  saw  their  own  ascendancy  in 
New  England  imperiled.  Under  the  depression  of 
impending  disaster,  men  like  Senator  Timothy 
Pickering  of  Massachusetts  and  Roger  Griswold 
of  Connecticut  broached  to  their  New  England 
friends  the  possibility  of  a  withdrawal  from  the 
Union  and  the  formation  of  a  Northern  Confeder- 
acy. As  the  confederacy  shaped  itself  in  Pickering's 
imagination,  it  would  of  necessity  include  New 


I 


i  " 
I 


i\ 


I 


.     ii 


r  ' 


no  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

York;  aj,d  the  chaotic  conditions  in  New  York  poh'- 
tics  at  this  time  invited  intrigue.  When,  therefore, 
a  group  of  Burr's  friends  in  the  Legislature  named 
him  as  their  candidate  for  Governor.  Pickering  and 
Gnswold  seized  the  moment  to  approach  him  with 
their  treasonable  plans.    They  gave  him  to  under- 

nrln   T.r  ^"'""°'"  '^  ^'^  ^^^^  ^'  -«"W  nat- 
ural hold  a  strategic  position  and  could,  if  he 

would,  take  the  lead  in  the  secession  of  the  North- 
ern States.    Federalist  support  could  be  given  to 
him  m  the  approaching  election.    They  would  be 
glad  to  know  his  views.    But  the  shifty  Burr  would 
not  commit  himself  further  than  to  promise  a  satis- 
actory  administration.    Though  the  Federalist  in- 
triguers would  have  been  glad  of  more  explicit  as- 
surances they  counted  on  his  vengeful  temper  and 
hatred  of  the  Virginia  domination  at  Washington 
to  make  him  a  pliable  tool.    They  were  willing  to 
commit  the  party  openly  to  Burr  and  trust  to 
events  to  bmd  him  to  their  cause. 

Against  this  mad  intrigue  one  clear-headed  in- 
dividual resolutely  set  himself  -  „ot  wholly  from 
disinterested  motives.  Alexander  Hamilton  had 
good  reason  to  know  Burr.  He  declared  in  pri- 
vate conversation,  and  the  remark  speedily  became 
public  property,  that  he  looked  upon  Burr  as  a 


'I!  ; 


! 


AN  AMERICAN  CATILINE  ill 

dangerous  man  who  ought  not  to  be  trusted  with 
the  reins  of  government.  He  pleaded  with  New 
York  Federalists  not  to  commit  the  fatal  blunder 
of  endorsing  Burr  in  caucus,  and  he  finally  won  his 
point;  but  he  could  not  prevent  his  partisans  from 
supporting  Burr  at  the  polls. 

The  defeat  of  Burr  dashed  the  hopes  of  the  Fed- 
eralists of  New  England;  the  bubble  of  a  Northern 
Confederacy  vanished.  It  dashed  also  Burr's  per- 
sonal ambitions:  he  could  no  longer  hope  for  politi- 
cal rehabilitation  in  New  York.  And  the  man  who 
a  second  time  had  crossed  his  path  and  thwarted 
his  purposes  was  his  old  rival,  Alexander  Hamilton. 
It  is  said  that  Burr  was  not  naturally  vindictive: 
perhaps  no  man  is  naturally  vindictive.  Certain  it 
is  that  bitter  disappointment  had  now  made  Burr 
what  Hamilton  had  called  him  —  "a  dangerous 
man."  He  *  k  the  common  course  of  men  of 
honor  at  thi:.  he  demanded  prompt  and  un- 

qualified acknowledgment  or  denial  of  the  expres- 
sion. Well  aware  of  what  lay  behind  this  demand, 
Hamilton  replied  deliberately  with  half-concilia- 
tory words,  but  he  ended  with  the  usual  words  of 
those  prepared  to  accept  a  challenge,  "I  can  only 
regret  the  circumstance,  and  must  abide  the  con- 
sequences."   A  cnallenge  followed.    We  are  told 


'■  i. 


n 


112  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
that  Hamilton  accepted  to  save  his  political  leader- 
ship and  influence  -  strange  illusion  in  one  so  gift- 
ed!  Yet  public  opinion  had  not  yet  condemned 
duemg,  and  men  must  be  judged  against  the 
background  of  their  times. 

On  a  summer  mornings  (July  11.  1804)  Burr  and 
Hamilton  crossed  the  Hudson  to  Weehawken  and 
there  faced  each  other  for  the  last  time.   Hamilton 
withheld  his  fire;  Burr  aimed  with  murderous  in- 
tent,  and  Hamilton  fell  mortally  wounded.    The 
shot  from  Burr's  pistol  long  reverberated.   It  woke 
public  conscience  to  the  horror  and  usc^lessness  of 
dueling,  and  left  Burr  an  outlaw  from  respectable 
society,  stunned  by  the  recoil,  and  under  indict- 
ment  for  murder.    Only  in  the  South  and  West  did 
men  treat  the  incident  lightly  as  an  affair  of  honor. 
The  political  career  of  Burr  was  now  closed 
When  he  again  met  the  Senate  face  to  face,  he  had 
been  dropped  by  his  own  party  in  favor  of  George 
Clinton,  to  whom  he  surrendered  the  Vice-Presiden 
ey  on  March  5,  1805.    His  farewell  address  is  de- 
scribed as  one  of  the  most  affecting  ever  spoken  in 
the  Senate.    Describing  the  scene  to  his  daughter. 
Burr  said  that  tears  flowed  abundantly,  but  Burr 
must  have  despribed  what  he  wished  to  see.   Amer- 
ican politicians  are  not  Homeric  heroes,  who  weep 


AN  AMERICAN  CATILINE  U3 

oa  slight  provocation;  and  any  inclination  to  pity 
Burr  must  have  been  inhibited  by  the  knowledge 
that  he  had  made  himself  the  rallying-point  of 
every  dubious  intrigue  at  the  capital. 

The  list  of  Burr's  intimates  included  Jonathan 
Dayton,  whose  term  as  Senator  had  just  e.ded, 
and  who.  like  Burr,  sought  means  of  promoting  his 
fortunes,  John  Smith.  Senator  from  Ohio,  the  noto- 
rious Swartwouts  of  New  York  who  were  attached 
to  Burr  as  gangsters  to  their  chief,  and  General 
James  Wilkinson,  governor  of  the  northern  territo- 
ry carved  out  of  Louisiana  and  commander  of  the 
western  army  with  headquarters  at  St.  Louis. 

Wilkinson  had  a  long  record  of  duplicity,  which 
was  suspected  but  never  proved  by  his  contempo- 
raries.   There  was  hardly  a  dubious  episo  le  from 
the  Revolution  to  this  date  with  which  he  had  not 
been  connected.   He  was  implicated  in  the  Conway 
cabal  against  Washington;  he  was  active  in  the  sep- 
aratist movement  in  Kentucky  during  the  Confed- 
eration; he  entered  into  an  irregular  commercial 
agreement  with  the  Spanish  authorities  at  New 
Orleans;  he  was  suspected  —  and  rightly,  as  docu- 
ments recently  unearthed  in  Spain  prove  —  of  hav- 
ing taken  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  Spain  and  of 

being  in  the  pay  of  Spain;  he  was  also  suspected  — 

ft 


m 
iii 


t » 


li 


¥>( 


114   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

and  justly  —  of  using  his  influence  to  bring  about  a 
separation  of  the  Western  States  from  the  Union; 
yet  in  1791  he  was  given  a  lieutenant-colonel's  com- 
mission in  the  regular  army  and  served  under  St. 
Clair  in  the  Northwest,  and  again  as  a  brigadier- 
general  under  Wayne.    Even  here  the  atmosphere 
of  intrigue  enveloped  him,  and  he  was  accused  of 
inciting  discontent  among  the  Kentucky  troops 
and  of  trying  to  supplant  Wuyne.    When  commis- 
sioners were  trying  to  run  the  Southern  boundary 
in  accordance  with  the  treaty  of  1795  with  Spain, 
Wilkinson  —  still  a  pensioner  of  Spain,  as  docu- 
ments prove  —  attempted  to  delay  the  survey.    In 
the  light  of  these  revelations,  Wilkinson  appears  as 
an  unscrupulous  adventurer  whose  thirst  for  lucre 
made  him  willing  to  betray  either  master  — the 
Spaniard  who  pensioned  him  or  the  American  who 
gave  him  his  command. 

In  the  spring  of  1805  Burr  made  a  leisurely  jour- 
ney across  the  mountains,  by  way  of  Pittsburgh,  to 
New  Orleans,  where  he  had  friends  and  personal 
followers.  The  secretary  of  the  territory  was  one  of 
his  henchmen;  a  justice  of  the  superior  court  was 
his  stepson;  the  Creole  petitionists  who  had  come 
to  Washington  to  secure  self-government  had  been 
cordially  received  by  Burr  and  had  a  lively  sense  of 


AN  AMERICAN  CATII INE 


115 


gratitude.  On  his  way  down  the  Ohio,  Burr  land- 
ed at  Blennerhassett's  Island,  where  an  eccentric 
Irishman  of  that  name  owned  an  estate.  Harman 
Blennerhassett  was  to  rue  the  day  that  he  enter- 
tained this  fascinating  guest.  At  Cincinnati  he  was 
the  guest  of  Senator  Smith,  and  there  he  also  met 
Dayton.  At  Nashville  he  visited  General  Andrew 
Jackson,  who  was  thrilled  with  the  prospect  of  war 
with  Spain;  at  Fort  Massac  he  spent  four  days  in 
close  conference  with  General  Wilkinson;  and  at 
New  Orleans  he  consorted  with  Daniel  Clark,  a 
rich  merchant  and  the  most  uncompromising  oppo- 
nent of  Governor  Claiborne,  and  with  members  of 
the  Mexican  Association  and  every  would-be  ad- 
venturer and  filibuster.  In  November,  Burr  was 
again  in  Washington.  What  was  the  purpose  of 
this  journey  and  what  did  it  accomplish? 

It  is  far  easier  to  tell  what  Burr  did  after  this  mys- 
terious western  expedition  than  what  he  planned 
to  do.  There  is  danger  of  reading  too  great  con- 
sistency into  his  designs.  At  one  moment,  if  we 
may  believe  Anthony  Merry,  the  British  Minis- 
ter, who  lent  an  ear  to  Burr's  proposals,  he  was 
plotting  a  revolution  which  should  separate  the 
Western  States  from  the  Union.  To  accomplish 
this  design  he  needed  British  funds  and  a  British 


■  4  (*| 

r 


116   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
naval  force.    Jonathan  Dayton  revealed  to  Yrujo 
much  the  same  plot  -  which  he  thought  was  worth 
thirty  or  forty  thousand  dollars  to  the  Spanish  Gov- 
ernment.    To   such    urgent  necessity  for  funds 
were  the  conspirators  driven.    But  Dayton  add- 
ed further  details  to  the  story  which  may  have 
been  mtended  only  to  intimidate  Yrujo.    The  revo- 
lution effected  by  British  aid,  said  Dayton  gravely 
an  expedition  would  be  undertaken  against  Mex- 
ico.    Subsequently  Dayton  unfolded  a  still  more 
remarkable  tale.    Burr  had  been  disappointed  in 
the  expectation  of  British  aid.  and  he  was  now 
bent  upon  "an  almost  insane  plan,"  which  was 
nothing  less  than  the  seizure  of  the  Government 
at  Washmgton.     With    the   government   funds 
thus  obtamed,  and  with  the  necessary  frigates,  the 
conspirators  would  sail  for  New  Orleans  and  pro- 
claim   the  independence  of  Louisiana  and   the 
Western  States. 

The  kernel  of  truth  in  these  accounts  is  not  easily 
separated  from  the  chaff.  The  supposition  that 
Burr  seriously  contemplated  a  separation  of  the 
Western  States  from  the  Union  may  be  dismissed 
from  consideration.  The  loyalty  of  the  Mississippi 
Valley  at  this  time  is  beyond  question;  and  Burr 
was  too  keen  an  observer  not  to  recognize  the 


s*»ir 


AiN  AMERICAN  CATILINE 


117 


temper  of  the  people  with  whom  he  sojourned.  But 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  he  and  his  confeder- 
ates may  have  planned  an  enterprise  against  Mexi- 
co, for  such  a  project  was  quite  to  the  taste  of 
Westerners  who  hated  Spain  as  ardently  as  they 
loved  the  Union.  Circumstances  favored  a  filibus- 
tering expedition  The  President's  bellicose  mes- 
sage of  Decembt  had  prepared  the  people  of  the 
Mississippi  Valli\.  for  war;  the  Spanish  plotters 
had  been  expelled  from  Louisiana;  Spanish  forces 
had  crossed  the  Sabine;  American  troops  had  been 
"^  to  repel  them  if  need  be;  the  South  Amer- 
ican revolutionist  Miranda  had  sailed,  with  ves- 
sels fitted  out  in  New  York,  to  start  a  revolt 
against  Spanish  rule  in  Caracas;  every  revolution- 
ist in  New  Orleans  was  on  the  qui  rive.  What 
better  time  could  there  be  to  launch  a  filibuster- 
ing expedition  against  Mexico?  If  it  succeeded 
and  a  republic  were  established,  the  American 
Government  might  be  expected  to  recognize  a 
fait  accompli. 

The  success  of  Burr's  plans,  whatever  they  may 
have  been,  depended  o''  his  procuring  funds;  and  it 
was  doubtless  the  hope  of  extracting  aid  from 
Blennerhassett  that  drew  him  to  the  island  in 
midsummer  of  1806.    Burr  was  accompanied  by 


ir 


m 


m 


J  rl 

r 

■•I 


S 


J 


118   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
W.  daughter  Theodosia  and  her  husband.  Jceph 

either  the  dupe  or  the  accomplice  of  Burr.   IWth- 
cr  they  persuaded  the  credulou.  Irishman  topur- 
chase  a  tract  of  land  on  the  WashiU  River  in  the 
heart  of  Louisiana,  which  would  ultimately  net 
h.m  a  profit  of  a  million  dollars  when  UuLn. 
became  an  .ndependenl  state  with  Burr  as  ruler 
and  England  as  protector.     They  even  assured 
Blennerha^sett  that  he  .should  go  as  minister  to 
England.    He  was  so  da^^led  at  the  prospect  that 
he  not  only  made  the  initial  payment  for  the  lands, 
but  advanced  all  his  property  for  Burrs  use  on 
receiving  a  guaranty  from  Alston.    Having  landed 
his  fish.  Burr  set  off  down  the  river  to  visit  Gener!^ 
J-ckson  at  Nashville  and  to  procure  boat,  lid 
SI  i 'flies  ior  h^s  expedition. 

na^rTk"*';  ''''"x'-''-"'^  brilliant,  fascin- 
natmg  Theodosia  -  and  her  husband  played  the 
game  atBlennerhassetfs  Island.    BWhassett' 
head  was  completely  turned.    He  babbled  most  in- 
dis,^tlyabouttheapproaehing»„pd.«„.   Colo- 
nel Burr  would  be  king  of  Mexico,  he  told  his  gar- 
d  ner.  and  Mrs.  Alston  would  be  queen  when  Colo- 
nelBurrdied.    Who  could  resist  the, harms  of  thi 
young  pnncess?  Blemierhassett  and  his  wife  were 


t  ,- 


AN  AMERICAN  CAT     INE  no 

impatient  to  exchange  their  little  isle  for  marble 
balls  in  far  away  Mexico. 

But  all  v.as  not  going  well  with  the  future  Em- 
peror of  Mexico.    Ugly  rumor.s  were  afloat.    The 
active  preparations  at  Blennerhassett's  Island,  the 
building  of   boats   at   various   points   along  the 
river,  the  enlistment  of  recruits,  coui)led    with 
hints  of  secession,  disturbed  such  loyal  citizens  as 
the   District-Attorney   at    Frankfort,    Kentucky. 
He  took  it  upon  himself  to  warn  the  President, 
and  then,  in  open  court,  charged  Burr  with  vio- 
lating the  laws  of  the  United  States  by  setting 
on  foot  a  military  expedition  against  Mexico  and 
with  inciting  citizens  to  rebellion  in  the  Western 
States.     But  at  the  meeting  of  the  grand  jury 
Burr  appeared  surrounded  by  his  friends  and  with 
young  Henry  Clay  for  counsel.     The  grand  jury 
refused  to  indict  him  and  he  left  the  court  in  tri- 
umph.   Some  weeks  later  the  District-Attorney 
renewed  his  motion;   but   again   Burr  was   dis- 
charged by  the  grand  jury,  amid  popular  applause. 
Enthusiastic  admirers  in  Frankfort  even  gave  a 
ball  in  his  honor. 

Notwithstanding  these  warnings  of  conspiracy. 
President  Jefferson  exhibited  a  singular  indiffer- 
ence and  composure.    To  all  alarmists  he  made  the 


4 


1 


d 
I 

4  '4 


I«0  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
same  reply.    The  people  of  the  West  were  loyaJ 
and  could  be  trusted.    It  was  not  until  disquieting 
and  ambiguous  messages  from  Wilkinson  reached 
Washington  ~  disquieting  because  ambiguous  - 
that  the  President  was  persuaded  to  act.    On  the 
27th  of  November,  he  issued  a  proclamation  warn- 
ing all  good  citizens  that  sundry  persons  were  con- 
spirmg  against  Spain  and  enjoining  all  Federal 
officers  to  apprehend  those  engaged  in  the  unlawful 
enterprise.    The  appearance  of  this  proclamation 
at  Nashville  should  have  led  to  Burr's  arrest  for  he 
was  st.-Il  detained  there;  but  mysterious  influences 
seemed  to  paralyze  the  arm  of  the  Government 
On  the  22d  of  December.  Burr  set  off.  with  two 
boats  which  Jackson  had  built  and  some  supplies 
down  the  Cumberland.     At  the  mouth  of  the 
river,  he  joined  forces  with  Blennerhassett.  who 
had  left  his  island  in  haste  just  as  the  Ohio  militia 
was  about  to  descend  upon  him.    The  combined 
strength  of  the  flotilla  was  nine  bateaux  carrying 
less  than  sixty  men.    There  was  still  time  to  in- 
tercept the  expedition  at  Port  Massac,  but  again 
delays  that  have  never  been  explained  prevent- 
ed the  President's  proclamation  from  arriving  in 
time;  and  Burr's  little  fleet  floated  peacefully  by 
down  stream. 


m 


AN  AMERICAN  CATIUNE  Ifl 

The  scene  now  shifts  to  the  lower  Missi.  .-ippi.  an.l 
the  heavy  villain  of  the  inelodrumu  appears  on  the 
stage  in  the  uniform  of  u  United  States  military 
officer  —  (ieneral  James  Wilkinson.    He  had  been 
under  orders  since  May  6.  1800.  to  repair  to  the 
Territory  of  Orleans  with  as  little  delay  as  possible 
and  to  repel  any  invasion  east  of  the  River  Subine; 
but  it  was  now  September  and  he  hml  only  just 
reached  Natchitoches,  where  the   American   vol- 
unteers and  militiamen  from  Louisiana  and  Mis- 
sissippi were   concentrating.     Much    water    had 
flowed  under  the  bridge  since  Aaron  Burr  visited 
New  Orleans. 

After  President  Jeflferson's  bellicose  message  of 
the  previous  December,  war  with  Spain  seemed  in- 
evitable. And  when  Spanish  troops  crossed  the  Sa- 
bine in  July  and  took  up  their  post  only  seventeen 
miles  from  Natchitoches,  Western  Americans 
awaited  only  the  word  to  begin  hostilities.  The 
Orleans  Gazette  declared  that  the  time  to  repel 
Spanish  aggression  had  come.  The  enemy  must  be 
''riven  beyond  the  Sabine.  "The  route  from 
Natchitoches  to  Mexico  is  clear,  plain,  and  open." 
The  occasion  was  at  hand  "for  conferring  on  our 
oppressed  Spanish  brethren  in  Mexico  those  ines- 
timable blessings  of  freedom  which  we  ourselves 


r 


i  li 

m 

km] 


i 


122   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
enjoy."    "Gallant  Louisianians!    Now  is  the  time 
to  distinguish  yourselves.   .    .    .    Should  the  gen- 
erous eflForts  of  our  Government  to  establish  a  free, 
independent  Republican  Empire  in  Mexico  be  suc- 
cessful, how  fortunate,  how  enviable  would  be  the 
situation  in  New  Orleans ! "   The  editor  who  sound- 
ed ihis  clarion  call  was  a  coadjutor  of  Burr.    On  the 
flood  tide  of  a  popular  war  against  Spain,  they  pro- 
posed to  float  their  own  expedition.     Much  de- 
pended on  General  Wilkinson;  but  he  had  already 
written  privately  of  subverting  the  Spanish  Gov- 
ernment in  Mexico,  and  carrying  "our  conquests 
to  California  and  the  Isthmus  of  Darien." 

With  much  swagger  and  braggadocio,  Wilkinson 
advanced  to  the  center  of  the  stage.  He  would 
drive  the  Spaniards  over  the  Sabine,  though  they 
outnumbered  him  three  to  one.  "I  believe,  my 
friend,"  he  wrote,  "I  shall  be  obliged  to  fight  and 
to  flog  them."  Magnificent  stage  thunder.  But  to 
Wilkinson's  chagrin  the  Spaniards  withdrew  of  their 
own  accord.  Not  a  Spaniard  remained  to  contest 
his  advance  to  the  border.  Yet,  oddly  enough,  he 
remained  idle  in  camp.    Why? 

Some  two  weeks  later,  an  emissary  appeared  at 
Natchitoches  with  a  letter  from  Burr  dated  the 
29th  of  July,  in  cipher.    What  this  letter  may  have 


J!    IJ 


AN  AMERICAN  CATILINE  123 

originally  contained  will  probably  never  be  known, 
for  only  Wilkinson's  version  survives,  and  that  un- 
derwent frequent  revision.  ■  It  is  quite  as  remark- 
able for  its  omissions  as  for  anything  that  it  con- 
tains. In  it  there  is  no  mention  of  a  western  up- 
rising nor  of  a  revolut  m  in  New  Orleans;  but  only 
the  intimation  that  an  attack  is  to  be  made  upon 
Spanish  possessions,  presumably  Mexico,  with  pos- 
sibly Baton  Rouge  as  the  immediate  objective. 
Whether  or  no  this  letter  changed  Wilkinson's  plan, 
we  can  only  conjecture.  Certain  it  is,  however, 
that  about  this  time  Wilkinson  determined  to  de- 
nounce Burr  and  his  associates  and  to  play  a 
double  game,  posing  on  the  one  hand  as  the  savior 
of  his  country  and  on  the  other  as  a  secret  friend  to 
Spain .  After  some  hesitation  he  wrote  to  President 
Jefferson  warning  him  in  general  terms  of  an  expe- 
dition preparing  against  Vera  Cruz  but  omitting 
all  mention  of  Burr.  Subsequently  he  wrote  a  con- 
fidential letter  about  this  "deep,  dark,  and  wide- 
spread conspiracy"  which  enmeshed  all  classes  and 
conditions  in  New  Orleans  and  might  bring  seven 
thousand  men  from  the  Ohio.     The  contents  of 

'  What  is  usually  accepted  as  the  correct  version  is  printed  by 
McCaleb  in  his  Aaron  Burr  Conspiracy,  pp.  74  and  75,  and  by 
Henry  Adams  in  his  History  of  the   United  Stales,  vol.  in.  dd 
253-4. 


y  I 


I  ; 


1«4  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
Burr's  mysterious  letter  were  to  oe  communieated 
oraUy  to  the  President  by  the  messenger  will 
^«  precous  warning.  It  was  on  the  strength  of 
these  eommunieations  that  the  Resident  issued  his 
proclamation  of  the  Srth  of  November 
While  Witttason  was  inditing  these  misleading 

»«s.vestotheftesiden,hewaspreparingthery 
for  h,s  entry  at  New  Orleans.    To  the  ^k  J 

rlnd^T""/"'"""  '"'  """-  "Vou  are  s^ 
rounded  by  dangers  of  whieh  you  dream  not.  and 
the  destruction  of  the  American  Government  is^ 

nous^menaced  The  storm  wiU  probably  burst  in 
New  Or  e        ^^^^^  ,  ^^_,„  ^^^  .^  ^^^ 

P^'sb  Just  five  days  later  he  «-  e  a  letter  to 
the  V.ceroy  of  Mexico  which  prov  -^  held 
doubt  the  most  contemptible  rascal  .h  ,„, 
»  American  uniform.    "A  storm,  a.,  .lutionary 

olr  ' "  "'?*"  "''"  ""'='"''-  «>»  d^tr-ction 
It  kT*'  >  ""''•  *''^  fi'*'  '"'iect  of  attadc 
would  be  New  Orleans,  then  Vera  Cruz,  then  m2 

™Oy;scenesofviolenceandpilIagewouIdfollow; 
kt  fts  Exce  ency  be  on  his  guard.     To  ward  off 

these  calam,t,es."Iwi]lhurlmyselflikeaLeonidas 
-to  the  breach."   But  let  His  Excellency  remel 
b«  what  rfeks  the  writer  of  this  letter  incurs,  "by 
oflermg  without  orders  this  communication  to  a 


I 


AN  AMERICAN  CATILINE  125 

foreign  power,"  and  let  him  reimburse  the  bearer  of 
this  letter  to  the  amount  of  121,000  pesos  which 
will  be  spent  to  shatter  the  plans  of  these  bandits 
from  the  Ohio. 

The  arrival  of  Wilkinson  in  New  Orleans  was 
awaited  by  friends  and  foes,  with  bated  bieath. 
The  conspirators  had  as  yet  no  intimation  of  his 
intentions:  Governor  Claiborne  was  torn  by  sus- 
picion of  this  would-be  savior,  for  at  the  very  time 
he  was  reading  Wilkinson's  gasconade  he  received  a 
cryptic  letter  from  Andrew  Jackson  which  ran, 
"keep  a  watchful  eye  on  our  General  and  beware  of 
an  attack  as  well  from  your  own  country  as  Spain ! " 
If  Claiborne  could  not  trust  "our  General,"  ^hom 
could  he  trust! 

The  stage  was  now  set  for  the  last  act  in  the 
drama.  Wilkinson  arrived  in  the  city,  deliberately 
set  Claiborne  aside,  and  established  a  species  of 
martial  law,  not  without  opposition.  To  justify 
his  course  Wilkinson  swore  to  an  affidavit  based  on 
Burr's  letter  of  the  29th  of  July  and  proceeded  with 
his  arbitrary  arrests.  One  by  one  Burr's  confeder- 
ates were  taken  into  custody.  The  city  was  kept  in 
a  state  of  alarm;  Burr's  armed  thousands  were  said 
to  be  on  the  way;  the  negroes  were  to  be  incited 
to  revolt.     Only  the  actual  appearance  of  Burr's 


'i:d 


( 


fl 


126    JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

expedition  or  some  extraordinary  happening  couk 
maintain  this  high  pitch  of  popular  excitement  anc 
save  Wilkinson  from  becoming  the  ridiculous  victiir 
of  his  own  folly. 

On  the  10th  of  January  (1807),  after  an  unevent- 
ful  voyage  down  the  Mississippi,  Burr's  flotilla 
reached  the  mouth  of  Bayou  Pierre,  some  thirty 
miles  above  Natchez.    Here  at  length  was  the  huge 
armada  which  was  to  shatter  the  Union  — nine 
boats  and  sixty  men!    Tension  began  to  give  way. 
Feople  began  to  recover  their  sense  of  humor. 
Wilkmson  was  never  in  greater  danger  in  his  life 
for  he  was  about  to  appear  ridiculous.    It  was  at 
Bayou  Pierre  that  Burr  going  ashore  learned  that 
W  ilkmson  had  betrayed  him.   His  first  instinct  was 
to  flee,  for  if  he  should  proceed  to  New  Orleans  he 
would  fall  into  Wilkinson's  hands  and  doubtless 
be  court-martialed  and  shot;  but  if  he  tarried,  he 
would  be  arrested  and  sent  to  Washington.    Inde- 
cision  and  despair  seized  him;  and  while  Blenner- 
hassett  and  other  devoted  followers  waited  for  their 
emperor  to  declare  his  intention,  he  found  himseK 
facmg  the  acting-governor  of  the  Mississippi  Tern- 
tory  with  a  warrant  for  his  arrest.    To  the  chagrin 
of  his  fellow  conspirators,  Burr  surrendered  tamely, 
even  pusillanimously. 


f  f 


ES 

g  could 
ent  and 
i  victim 

levent- 

flotilla 

thirty 

e  huge 

—  nine 

e  way. 

lumor. 

is  life, 

^'as  at 

i  that 

-twas 

tnshe 

btless 

;d,he 

Inde- 

nner- 

their 

MseK 

^ern- 

igrin 


4 


AN  AMERICAN  CATILINE  m 

The  end  of  the  drama  was  near  at  hand.    Burr 
was  brought  before  a  grand  jury,  ui.d  though  he 
once  more  escaped  indictment,  he  was  put  under 
bonds,  quite  illegally  he  thought,  to  appear  when 
summoned.    On  the  1st  of  February  he  abandoned 
his  followers  to  the  tender  mercies  of  the  law  and 
fled  in  disguise  into  the  wilderness.    A  month  later 
he  was  arrested  near  the  Spanish  border  above 
Mobile  by  Lieutenant  Gaines,  in  command  at  Fort 
Stoddert,  and  taken  to  Richmond.    The  trial  that 
followed  did  not  prove  Burr's  guilt,  but  it  did  prove 
Thomas  JeflFerson's  credulity  and  cast  grave  doubts 
on  James  Wilkinson's  loyalty.'    Burr  was  acquit- 
ted of  the  charge  of  treason  in  court,  but  he  re- 
mained under  popular  indictment,  and  his  memory 
has  never  been  wholly  cleared  of  the  suspicion 
of  treason. 

•An  account  of  the  trial  of  Burr  will  be  found  in  John  Marshall 
and  the  Con»Utuhon  by  Edward  S.  Corwin.  in  The  Chronicles  of 
America.  ■' 


\ 


¥ 


f  I  y 


B^'        I 


CHAPTER  Vn 


AN  ABUSE  OF  HOSPITAUTT 

While  Captain  Bainbridge  was  eating  his  heart 
out  in  the  Pasha's  prison  at  TripoK,  his  thoughts 
reverting  constantly  to  his  lost  frigate,  he  reminded 
Commodore  Preble,  with  whom  he  was  allowed  to 
correspond,  that  "the  greater  part  of  our  crew  con- 
sists  of  English  subjects  not  naturalized  in  Amer- 
ica."    This  incidental  remark  comes  with  all  the 
force  of  a  revelation  to  those  who  have  fondly 
imagined  that  the  sturdy  jack-tars  who  manned 
the  first  frigates  were  genuine  American  sea-dogs 
Still  more  disconcerting  is  the  information  con- 
tamed  in  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury to  President  Jefferson,  some  years  later,  to  the 
effect  that  after  1803  American  tonnage  increased 
at  the  rate  of  seventy  thousand  a  year,  but  that  of 
the  four  thousand  seamen  required  to  man  this 
growing  mercantile  marine,  fully  one-half  were 
British  subjects,  presumably  deserters.    How  are 

128 


AN  ABUSE  OF  HOSPITALITY  129 

these  uncomfortable  facts  to  be  explained?  Let  a 
third  piece  of  information  be  added.  In  a  report  of 
Admiral  Nelson,  dated  1803,  in  which  he  broaches 
a  plan  for  manning  the  British  navy  it  is  soberly 
stated  that  forty-two  thousand  Britisli  seamen  de- 
serted "in  the  late  war."  Whenever  a  large  convoy 
assembled  at  Portsmouth,  added  the  Admiral,  not 
less  than  a  thousand  seamen  usually  deserted  from 
the  navy. 

The  slightest  acquaintance  with  the  British  navy 
when  Nelson  was  winning  immortal  glory  by  his 
victory  at  Trafalgar  must  convince  the  most  scepti- 
cal that  his  seamen  for  the  most  part  were  little  bet- 
ter than  galley  slaves.  Life  on  board  these  frigates 
was  well-nigh  unbearable.  The  average  life  of  a 
seaman,  Nelson  reckoned,  was  forty-five  years.  In 
this  age  before  processes  of  refrigeration  had  been 
invented,  food  could  not  be  kept  edible  on  long 
voyages,  even  in  merchantmen.  Still  worse  was 
the  fare  on  men-of-war.  The  health  of  a  crew  was 
left  to  Providence.  Little  or  no  forethought  was 
exercised  to  prevent  disease;  the  commonest  mat- 
ters of  personal  hygiene  wer.^  neglected;  and  when 
disease  came  the  remedies  applied  were  scarcely  to 
be  preferred  to  the  disease.  Discipline,  always  bru- 
tal, was  symbolized  by  the  cat-o'-nine-tails.   SmaJl 


'I" 


i 


(I 


If:    i-i 


ISO  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
wonder  that  the  navy  was  avoided  like  the  plagu 
oy  every  man  and  seaman. 

Yet  a  navy  had  lo  be  maintained:  it  was  the  cor 
nerstone  of  the  Empire.    And  in  all  the  history  o 
hat  tmp,re  the  need  of  a  navy  was  never  stronge, 
than  .„  these  opening  years  of  the  nine-een.h  cen- 
tury     The  praefee  of  impressing  able  n.en  for  the 
royal  navy  was  as  old  as  the  reign  of  Elizabeth. 
Ihe  press  gang  was  an  odious  Institution  of  long 
-tondmg      .  terror  not  only  to  rogue  and  vaga 
bond  but  to  every  able-bodied  seafaring  man  and 
waterman  on  rivers,  who  was  not  exempted  by 
«me  spee,al  aet.    It  ransaeked  the  prisons,  and 
crned    o  the  navy  not  only  its  victims  but  the 
germs  of  fever  which  infested  pubhc  places  of  de- 
tention.    But  the  press  gang  harvested  its  greatest 
"op  of  seamen  on  the  seas.    Merchantmen  were 
stopped  at  sea.  robbed  of  their  able  sailors,  and  left 
to  hmp  short-handed  into  port,    A  British  East 
indiaman  homeward  bound  in  1802  was  stripped  of 
so  many  of  her  crew  in  the  Bay  of  Biscay  that  she 

2  unable  to  offer  resistance  to  a  FVeneh  privateer 
»d  feU  a  nch  v,ct,m  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy. 
The  necessity  of  the  royal  navy  knew  no  law  and 
Often  defeated  its  own  purpose. 
Death  or  desertion  offered  the  only  way  of  escape 


AN  ABUSE  OF  HOSPITALITY  131 

to  the  victim  of  the  press  gang.  And  the  com- 
mander of  a  British  frigate  dreaded  making  port  al- 
most as  much  as  un  epidemic  of  typhus.  The  de- 
serter always  found  American  merchantmen  ready 
to  harbor  him.  Fair  wages,  relatively  comfortable 
quarters,  and  decent  treatment  made  him  quite 
ready  to  take  any  measures  to  forswear  his  alle- 
giance to  Britannia.  Naturalization  papers  were 
easily  procured  by  a  few  months'  residence  in  any 
State  of  the  Union;  and  in  default  of  legitimate  pa- 
pers, certificates  of  citizenship  could  be  bought  for 
a  song  in  any  American  seaport,  where  shysters 
drove  a  thrifty  traflBc  in  bogus  documents.  Pro- 
vided the  English  navvy  took  the  precaution  to 
have  the  description  in  his  certificate  tally  with  his 
personal  appearance,  and  did  not  let  his  tongue 
betray  him,  he  was  reasonably  safe  from  capture. 

Facing  the  palpable  fact  that  British  seamen 
were  deserting  just  when  they  were  most  needed 
and  were  making  American  merchartmen  and  frig- 
ates their  asylum,  the  British  naval  commanders, 
with  no  very  nice  regard  for  legal  distinctions,  ex- 
tended their  search  for  deserters  to  the  decks  of 
American  vessels,  whether  in  British  waters  or  on 
the  high  seas.  If  in  time  of  war,  they  reasoned, 
they  could  stop  a  neutral  ship  on  the  high  seas. 


v 


ii.a 


I'  >' 


18«  JEFPEHSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
-earch  her  for  contraband  of  war.  and  eondem, 
ship  and  cargo  in  a  prize  cotirt  if  carrying  contra 
band    why  might  they  not  by  the  same  toker 
search  a  vessel  for  BriUsh  deserters  and  impress 
them  mto  service  again?   Two  considerations  seem 
to  justify  this  reasoning:  the  trickiness  of  the  smart 
Yankees  who  forge  ?  citizenship  papers,  and  the  in- 
dehble  character  of  British  allegiance.    Once  an 
t-nghshman  always  an  Engh'shman.  bv  Jove!  Your 
hound  of  a  sea-dog  might  try  to  talk  through  his 
nose  like  a  Yankee,  you  know,  and  he  might 
shove  a  dirty  bit  of  paper  at  you.  but  he  couldn't 
^ake  off  his  British  citizenship  if  he  wanted  to! 
This  was  good  English  law,  and  if  it  wasn't  recog- 
nized  by  other  nations  so  much  the  worse  for  them 
As  one  of  these  redoubtable  British  captains  put  it 
years  later:  "'Might  makes  right'  is  the  guiding' 
practical  maxim  among  nations  and  ever  will  be' 
so  long  as  powder  and  shot  exist,  with  money  to 
back  them,  and  energy  to  wield  them."     H  course 
there  were  hair-splitting  fellows,  plent    )f  them  in 
England  and  the  States,  who  told  you  that  it  was 
one  thing  to  seize  a  vessel  carrying  contraband  and 
have  her  condemned  by  judicial  process  in  a  court 
of  admiralty,  and  quite  another  thing  to  carry 
Bntish  subject-,  off  the  decks  of  a  merchantman 


AN  ABUSE  OF  HOSPITALITY  1S8 

flying  a  neutral  flag;  but  if  you  knew  the  blasted 
rascals  were  deserters  what  difference  did  it  make? 
Besides,  what  would  become  of  the  British  navy,  if 
you  listened  to  all  the  fine-spun  arguments  of  lands- 
men?   And  if  these  stalwart  blue-water  Britishers 
could  have  read  what  Thomas  Jefferson  was  writ- 
ing  at  this  very  time,  they  would  have  classed  him 
with  the  armchair  critics  who  had  no  proper  con- 
ception of  a  sailor's  duty.    "I  hold  the  right  of  ex- 
patriation," wrote  the  President,  "to  be  inherent  in 
every  man  by  the  laws  of  nature,  and  incapable  of 
being  rightfully  taken  away  from  him  even  by  the 
united  will  of  every  other  person  in  the  nation." 

In  the  year  1805.  while  President  Jefferson  was 
still  the  victim  of  his  overmastering  passion,  and 
disposed  to  cultivate  the  good  will  of  England,  if 
thereby  he  might  obtain  the  Floridas.  unfores^n 
commercial  complications  arose  which  not  only 
blocked  the  way  to  a  better  understanding  in  Span- 
ish  affairs  but  strained  diplomatic  relations  to  the 
breaking  point.    News  reached  Atlantic  seaports 
that  American  merchantmen,  which  had  hitherto 
engaged  with  impunity  in  the  carrying  trade  be- 
tween Europe  and  the  West  Indies,  had  been  seized 
and  condemned  in  British  admiralty  courts.   Every 
American  shipmaster  and  owner  at  once  lifted  up 


'  t 


I 


I 


m 


134  JEFFERSON  AND  HTS  COLLEAGUES 
i»i«  yo.ce  in  indignant  protest;  and  all  the  latent 
hwtilifx  to  Oieir  old  enemy  revived.  Here  were 
new  o.d.Ts.in-council.  said  they:  the  leopard  can- 
not  clian.M  his  spots.  England  is  still  England  - 
the !  r  ble  enemy  of  neutral  shipping.  "  Never 
will  V  ,  '.u  be  perfectly  safe  till  frw  goods  make 
fre.  s;.i>  «^  till  England  loses  two  or  three  great 
nav:'  )>  .:ii.>-."  declired  the  Salem  Register. 

Til,  -      „.  soJziv,-  MrtTc  not  made  by  orders-in- 
coun  I    « M  wr-         ^t  in  accordance  with  a  decision 
rectm'y  h.  ...        down  by  the  court  of  appeals  in 
the  cfise  of  -h      hip  AWj-.    Following  a  practice 
which  had  betoi,  e  common  in  recent  years,  the 
Essex  had  sailed  uifh  a  cargo  from  Barcelona  to 
Salem  and  thence  to  Havana.    On  the  high  .seas  she 
had  been  captured.and  then  taken  toaBritish  port, 
where  ship  and  cargo  were  condemned  because  the 
voyage  from  Spain  to  her  colony  had  been  virtually 
continuous,  and  by  the  so-called  Rule  of  1756,  di- 
rect trade  between  a  European  state  and  its  colony 
was  forbidden  to  neutrals  in  time  of  war  when  such 
trade  had  not  been  permitte.l  in  time  of  peace. 
Hitherto,  the  British  courts  had  inclined  to  the 
view  that  when  goods  had  been  landed  in  a  neutral 
country  and  duties  paid,  the  voyage  had  been 
broken.    Tacitly  a  trade  that  was  virtually  direct 


AN  AIJUSE  OP  HOSPITALITY  l.w 

liad  been  countenanced,  because  the  payment  of 
duties  Heenied  evidence  enough  that  the  cargo  be- 
came a  part  of  the  slock  of  the  neulral  country  and 
if  reshipped.  wa«  then  a  hona  Jide  neutral  cargo 
Suddenly  Enghsh  merchants  and  .shippers  woke  to 
the  fact  that  they  were  often  vietims  of  deception 
Cargoes  would  be  landed  in  the  United  States,  du- 
ties  ostensibly  paid,  and  the  goods  ostensibly  i,a. 
.wted.  only  to  be  reshipped  in  the  same  bottoms, 
with  the  connivance  of  port  uffieiuKs.eithr.  vthout 
pay;ng  any  real  duties  or  with  drawback*     In  the 
case  of  the  Essex  the  court  of  appeals  cut  directly 
athwart  these  practices  by  goin^  behind  the  prima 
facie  payment  and  inquiring  into  the  intent  of  the 
voyage.    The  mere  touching  at  a  port  without  ac- 
tually importing  the  cargo  into  the  common  stock 
of  the  country  did  not  alter  the  nature  of  the  voy- 
age.   The  crucial  point  was  the  intent,  which  the 
court  was  now  and  hereafter  determined  to  ascer- 
tam  by  examination  of  facts.    The  court  reached 
the  mdubitable  conclusion  that  the  cargo  of  the 
Essex  had  never  been  intended  for  American  mar- 
kets.   The  open-minded  historian  must  admit  f  hal 
this  was  a  fair  application  of  the  Rule  of  1756,  but 
he  may  still  challenge  the  validity  of  the  r-:le,  as 
all  neutral  countries  did.  and  the  wisdam  of  the 


ir 


n 


wtm 


■.f 


f  < 


136   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

monopolistic  impulse  which  moved  the  commercia 
classes  and  the  courts  of  England  to  this  decision. 
Had  the  impressment  of  seamen  and  the  spoliatioi 
of  neutral  commerce  occurred  only  on  the  high  seas 
public  resentment  would  have  mounted  to  a  high 
pitch  in  the  United  States;  but  when  British  cruis- 
ers ran  into  American  waters  to  capture  or  burn 
French  vessels,  and  when  British  men-of-war  block- 
aded ports,  detaining  and  searching  —  and  at  times 
capturing  — American  vessels,  indignation  rose  to 
fever  heat.    The  blockade  of  New  York  Harbor  by 
two  British  frigates,  the  Cambrian  and  the  Leander, 
exasperated  merchants  beyond  measure.  On  board 
the  Leander  was  a  young  midshipman,  Basil  Hall, 
who  in  after  years  described  the  activities  of  this 
execrated  frigate. 

Every  morning  at  daybreak,  wo  set  about  arresting 
the  progress  of  all  the  vessels  we  saw,  firing  off  guns  to 
the  right  and  left  to  make  every  ship  that  was  running 
m  heave  to,  or  wait  until  we  had  leisure  to  send  a  boat 
on  board  "to  see."  in  our  lingo,  "what  she  was  made 
of.      I  have  frequently  known  a  dozen,  and  sometimes 

'Professor  William  E.  Lingelbach  in  a  notable  article  on  "  En«- 

1  m", o^ru'"'  '^"'*'" '"  ^**  ^^•'•"''*  «"'""■'"' ««''  Economic 
(April.  1917)  has  pointed  out  the  error  committed  by  almost  every 
historian  from  Henry  Adams  down,  that  the  E*,ex  decision  rl 
versed  previous  rulings  of  the  court  and  w«.  not  in  accord  with 


'   ( 


AN  ABUSE  OF  HOSPITALITY  187 

a  couple  of  dozen,  ships  lying  a  league  or  two  oflf  the 
port,  losing  their  fair  wind,  their  tide,  and  worse  than 
all  their  market,  for  many  hours,  sometimes  the  whole 
day,  before  our  search  was  completed.' 

One  day  in  April,  1806,  the  Leander,  trying  to 
halt  a  merchantman  that  she  meant  to  search, 
fired  a  shot  which  killed  the  helmsman  of  a  passing 
sloop.    The  boat  sailed  on  to  New  York  with  the 
mangled  body ;  and  the  captain,  brother  of  the  mur- 
dered man,  lashed  the  populace  into  a  rage  by  his 
mad  words.    Supplies  for  the  frigates  were  inter- 
cepted, personal  violence  was  threatened  to  any 
British  oflScers  caught  on  shore,  the  captain  of  the 
Leander  was  indicted  for  murder,  and  the  funeral  of 
the  murdered  sailor  was  turned  into  a  public  dem- 
onstration.   Yet  nothing  came  of  this  incident,  be- 
yond a  proclamation  by  the  President  closing  the 
ports  of  the  United  States  to  the  oflFending  frigates 
and  ordering  the  arrest  of  the  captain  of  the  Lean- 
der wherever  found.   After  all,  the  death  of  a  com- 
mon seaman  did  not  fire  the  hearts  of  farmers 
peacefully  tilling  their  fields  far  beyond  hearing  of 
the  Leander' s  guns. 
A  year  full  of  troublesome  happenings  passed; 

'  Fragment  of  Voyageiand  Travel*,  quoted  by  Henry  Adams,  in 
Hittory  of  the  United  Stalen.  vol.  iii,  p.  92. 


I 


138  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
«K>res  of  American  vessels  were  condemned  in 
British  admiralty  com-ts.  and  American  seamen 
were  impressed  with  increasing  frequency,  until  in 
the  early  summer  of  1807  these  manifold  grievances 
culmmated  in  an  outrage  that  shook  even  Jeffer- 
son  out  of  his  composure  and  evoked  a  passionate 
outcry  for  war  from  all  parts  of  the  country 

While  a  number  of  British  war  vessels  were  lying 
m  Hampton  Roads  watching  for  certain  French 
frigates  which  had  taken  refuge  up  Chesapeake 
Bay.  they  lost  a  number  of  seamen  by  desertion  un- 
der  peculiarly  annoying  circumstances.    In  one  in- 
stance  a  whole  boat's  crew  made  off  under  cover  of 
night  to  Norfolk  and  there  publicly  defied  their 
commander.   Three  deserters  from  the  British  frig- 
ate Melampus  had  enlisted  on  the  American  frig- 
ate  Chesapeake,  which  had  just  been  fitted  out  for 
service  in  the  Mediterranean;  but  on  inquiry  these 
three  were  proven  to  be  native  Americans  who  had 
been  impressed  into  British  service.    Unfortunate- 
ly  mquiry  did  disclose  one  British  deserter  who 
had  enlisted  on  the  Chesapeake,  a  loud-mouthed  tar 
by  the  name  of  Jenkin  Ratford.    These  irritating 
facts  stirred  Admiral  Berkeley  at  Halifax  to  high- 
handed measures.    Without  waiting  for  instruc- 
tions, he  issued  an  order  to  all  commanders  in  the 


AN  ABUSE  OF  HOSPITALITY  139 

North  Atlantic  Squadron  to  search  the  Chesapeake 
for  deserters,  if  she  should  be  encountered  on  the 
high  seas.  This  order  of  the  1st  of  June  should  be 
shown  to  the  captain  of  the  Chesapeake  as  sufficient 
authority  for  searching  her. 

On  June  22,  1807,  the  Chesapeake  passed  unsus- 
pectmg  between  the  capes  on  her  way  to  the  Medi- 
terranean.   She  was  a  stanch  frigate  carrying  for- 
ty guns  and  a  crew  of  375  men  and  boys;  but  she 
was  at  this  time  in  a  distressing  state  of  unreadi- 
ness, owing  to  the  dilatoriness  and  incompetence  of 
the  naval  authorities  at  Washington.    The  gun- 
deck  was  littered  with  lumber  and  odds  and  ends  of 
rigging;  the  guns,  though  loaded,  were  not  all  fitted 
to  their  carriages;  and  the  crew  was  untrained.   As 
the  guns  had  to  be  fired  by  slow  matches  or  by 
loggerheads  heated  red-hot,  and  the  ammunition 
was  stored  in  the  magazine,  the  frigate  was  totally 
unprepared  for  action.    Commodore  Barron,  who 
commanded  the  Chesapeake,  counted  on  putting 
her  into  fighting  trim  on  the  long  voyage  across 
the  Atlantic. 

Just  ahead  of  the  Chesapeake  as  she  passed  out 
to  sea  was  the  Leopard,  a  British  frigate  of  fifty- 
two  guns,  which  was  apparently  on  the  lookout  for 
suspicious  merchantmen.     It  was  not  until  both 


f 


140  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

vessels  were  eight  miles  or  more  southeast  of  Cape 
Henry  that  the  movements  of  the  Leopard  began  to 
attract  attention.    At  about  half-past  three  in  the 
afternoon  she  came  within  hailing  distance  and 
hove  to,  announcing  that  she  had  dispatches  for 
the  commander.    The  Chesapeake  also  hove  to  and 
answered  the  hail,  a  risky  move  considering  that 
she  was  unprepared  for  action  and  that  the  Leopard 
lay  to  the  windward.    But  why  should  the  com- 
mander  of  the  American  frigate  have  entertained 
suspicions? 

A  boat  put  out  from  the  Leopard,  bearing  a  petty 
officer    who  delivered  a  note  enclosing  Admiral 
Berkeley's  order  and  expressing  the  hope  that 
every  circumstance   ...  may  be  adjusted  in  a 
manner  that  the  harmony  subsisting  between  the 
two  countries  may  remain  undisturbed."   Commo- 
dore Barron  replied  that  he  knew  of  no  British  de- 
serters on  his  vessel  and  declined  in  courteous  terms 
to  permit  his  crew  to  be  mustered  by  any  other 
officers  but  their  own.    The  messenger  departed, 
and  then,  for  the  first  time  entertaining  serious 
misgmngs,  Commodore  Barron  ordered  his  decks 
cleared  for  action.    But  before  the  crew  could  be- 
stir  themselves,  the  Leopard  drew  near,  her  men 
at  quarters.     The  British  commander  shouted  a 


AN  ABUSE  OF  HOSPITALITY  141 

warning,  but  Barron,  now  thoroughly  alarmed,  re- 
plied, "  I  don't  hear  what  you  say."  The  warning 
was  repeated,  but  again  Barron  to  gain  time  shouted 
that  he  could  not  hear.  The  Leopard  then  fired  two 
shots  across  the  bow  of  the  Chesapeake,  and  almost 
immediately  without  parleying  further  —  she  was 
now  within  two  hundred  feet  of  her  victim  — 
poured  a  broadside  into  the  American  vessel. 

Confusion  reigned  on  the  Chesapeake.  The  crew 
for  the  most  part  showed  courage,  but  they  were 
helpless,  for  they  could  not  fire  a  gun  for  want  of 
slow  matches  or  loggerheads.  They  crowded  about 
the  magazine  clamoring  in  vain  for  a  chance  to  de- 
fend the  vessel;  they  yelled  with  rage  at  their  pre- 
dicament. Only  one  gun  was  discharged  and  that 
was  by  means  of  a  live  coal  brought  up  from  the 
galley  after  the  Chesapeake  had  received  a  third 
broadside  and  Commodore  Barron  had  ordered  the 
flag  to  be  hauled  down  to  spare  further  slaughter. 
Three  of  his  crew  had  already  been  killed  and 
eighteen  wounded,  himself  among  the  number. 
The  whole  action  lasted  only  fifteen  minutes. 

Boarding  crews  now  approached  and  several  Brit- 
ish officers  climbed  to  the  deck  of  the  Chesapeake 
and  mustered  her  crew.  Among  the  ship's  com- 
pany they  found  the  alleged  deserters  and,  hiding 


^1 


ilii 


i  1 


V  ft 


,H  ; 


(   i 


I«   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
m  the  coal-hole,  the  notorious  Jenkin  R«tfoH 
Tlese four  n,en  they  t«,k  with  them,  and  the£«p. 
W,  havng  fulfilled  her  instruction,,  now  suife^ 

For  the  fir.t  fme  m  their  hi,to.y,"  ™te,  Henn, 
Adamv  "the  peopleof  the  United  Sutes  learn  J^ 

Hitherto  every  public  passion  had  been  more  or 
^  parfal  and  one-sided;  ...  but  the  out' 
™«e  committed  on  the  Chesapeake  stung  through 
hidebound  prejudices,  and  made  demlat  and 
anstocrat  writhe  alike." 

Had  President  Jefferson  chosen  to  go  to  war  at 
this  moment,  he  would  havehad  a  united  people  be- 
hmd  h,m.  and  he  was  well  aware  that  he  possessed 
ttepowerof  choice.     '  The  affair  of  the  Cfe^apecfe 
put  war  m to  my  hand."  he  wrote  some  years  later. 
I  had  only  to  open  it  and  let  havoc  loose."    But 
Thomas  Jefferson  was  not  a  martial  character. 
The  State  Governors,  to  be  sure,  were  requested  to 
have  the,r  militia  in  readiness,  and  the  Governor  If 
Virgima  was  desired  to  call  such  companies  into 
sem«  as  were  needed  for  the  defense  of  Norfolk. 
The  President  referred  in  indignant  terms  to  the 
abuse  of  the  laws  of  hospitality  and  the  "outrage" 

■  fli.(orv  o/tt,  VniUd  Sim,,  vol.  iv,  p.  17. 


AN  ABUSE  OF  HOSPITALITY  143 

committed  by  the  British  commander;  but  his 
proclamation  only  ordered  all  British  armed  ves- 
sels out  of  American  waters  and  forbade  all  inter- 
course with  them  if  they  remained.    The  tone  of 
the  proclamation  was  so  moderate  as  to  seem  pusil- 
lanimous.   John  Randolph  called  it  an  apology. 
Thomas  Jefferson  did  not  mean  to  have  war.    With 
that  extraordinary  confidence  in  his  own  powers, 
which  in  smaller  men  would  be  called  smug  conceit, 
he  believed  that  he  could  secure  disavowal  and  hon- 
orable reparation  for  the  wrong  committed;  but  he 
chose  a  frail  intermediary  when  he  committed  this 
delicate  mission  to  James  Monroe. 


I 


I 


■j»|  r 


■r 


CHAPTER  Vin 


4 


THE  PACIFISTS  OF  1807 

It  is  one  of  the  strange  paradoxes  of  our  time  that 
the  author  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  to 
whose  principle  of  self-determination  the  world 
seems  again  to  be  turning,  should  now  be  regarded 
as  a  self-confessed  pacifist,  with  all  the  derogatory 
implications  that  lurk  in  that  epithet.   The  circum- 
stances which  made  him  a  revolutionist  in  1776  and 
a  passionate  advocate  of  peace  in  1807  deserve 
80.  le  consideration.    The  charge  made  by  contem- 
poraries of  Jefferson  that  his  aversion  to  war  sprang 
from  personal  cowardice  may  be  dismissed  at  once 
as  It  was  by  him.  with  contempt.    Nor  was  his 
hatred  of  war  merely  an  instinctive  abhorrence  of 
bloodshed.    He  had  not  hesitated  to  wage  naval 
war  on  the  Barbary  Corsairs.   It  is  true  that  he  was 
temperamentally  averse  to  the  use  of  force  under 
ordinary  circumstances.   He  did  not  belong  to  that 
type  of  full-blooded  men  who  find  self-exprr-^sJon  in 

144 


!H  H  1 


' », 


I 


THE  PACIFISTS  OF  1807  143 

adventurous  activity.    Mere  physical  effort  with- 
out  conscious  purpose  never  appealed  to  him.    He 
was  at  the  opposite  pole  of  life  from  a  man  like 
Aaron  Burr.    He  never,  so  far  as  history  records, 
had  an  affair  of  honor;  he  never  fought  a  duel;  he 
never  performed  active  military  service;  he  never 
took  human  life.     Yet  he  was  not  a  non-resist- 
ant.    "My  hope  of  preserving  peace  for  our  coun- 
try," he  wrote  on  one  occasion,  "is  not  founded 
in  the  Quaker  principle  of  non-resistance  under 
every  wrong." 

The  true  sources  of  Jefferson's  pacifism  must  be 
sought  in  his  rationalistic  philosophy,  which  ac- 
corded the  widest  scope  to  the  principle  of  self-di- 
rection and  self-determination,  whether  on  the  part 
of  the  individual  or  of  groups  of  individuals.    To 
impose  one's  will  upon  another  was  to  enslave,  ac- 
cording  to  his  notion;  to  coerce  by  war  was  to  en- 
slave a  community;  and  to  enslave  a  community 
was  to  provoke  revolution.     Jefferson's  thought 
gravitated  inevitably  to  the  center  of  his  rational 
universe  -  to  the  principle  of  enlightened  self-in- 
terest.   Men  and  women  are  not  to  be  permanently 
moved  by  force  but  by  appeals  to  their  interests. 
He  completed  his  thought  as  follows  in  the  letter 
already  quoted:     "But  [my  hope  of  preserving 


M' 


I  a- 


^'1. 


Fi' 

II  * 


a  i 


I  in 


m 


tt 


148  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLU  L^UES 
peace  is  founded]  in  the  belief  that  a  just  an< 
friendly  conduct  on  our  part  will  procure  justic 
and  friendship  from  others.  In  the  existing  con 
test,  each  of  the  combatants  will  find  an  interest  k 
our  friendship." 

It  was  a  chaotic  world  in  which  this  philosophe^ 
8tai?sman  was  called  upon  to  act  -  a  world  in  which 
international  law  and  neutral  rights  had  been  well- 
nigh  submerged  in  twelve  years  of  almost  continu- 
ous war.    Yet  with  amazing  self-assurance  Presi- 
dent Jefferson  believed  that  he  held  in  his  hand  a 
master-key  which  would  unlock  all  doors  that  had 
been  shut  to  the  commerce  of  neutrals.    He  called 
this   master-key   "peaceable  coercion."   and   he 
explained  its  magic  potency  in  this  wise: 

Our  commerce  is  so  valuable  to  them  [the  European 
belligerents]  that  they  will  be  glad  to  purchase  it  when 
the  only  price  we  ask  is  to  do  us  justice.  I  believe  that 
we  have  m  our  hands  the  means  of  peaceable  coercion; 
and  that  the  moment  they  see  our  government  so  unit- 
ed  as  that  they  can  make  use  of  it.  they  will  for  their 
own  mterest  be  disposed  to  do  us  justice. 

The  idea  of  using  commercial  restrictions  as  a 
weapon  to  secure  recognition  of  rights  was  of  course 
not  original  with  Jefferson,  but  it  was  now  to  be 
given  a  trial  without  parallel  in  the  history  of  the 


THE  PACIFISTS  OF  1807  147 

nation.    Non-importation  agreements  had  proved 
efficacious  in  the  struggle  o'  the  colonies  with  the 
mother  country;  it  seemed  not  unreasonable  to 
suppose  that  a  well-susUined  refusal  to  traffic  in 
English  goods  would  meet  the  emergency  of  1807, 
when  the  ruling  of  British  admiralty  courts  thrwit- 
ened  to  cut  off  the  lucrative  commerce  between  Eu- 
rope and  the  West  Indies.    With  this  theory  in  view, 
the  President  and  his  Secretary  of  State  advocated 
the  Non-Importation  Bill  of  April  18, 1806,  which 
forbade  the  entry  of  certain  specified  goods  of  Brit- 
ish  manufacture.     The  opposition  found  a  leader 
in  Randolph,  who  now  broke  once  and  for  all  with 
the  Administration.    "Never  in  the  course  of  my 
life,"  he  exclaimed,  "have  I  witnessed  such  a  scene 
of  indignity  and  inefficiency  as  this  measure  holds 
forth  to  the  world.    What  is  it?    A  milk-and-water 
bill!    A  dose  of  chicken-broth  to  be  taken  nine 
months  hence!  It  is  too  contemptible  to  be 

the  object  of  consideration,  or  to  excite  the  feelings 
of  the  pettiest  state  in  Europe."  The  Administra- 
tion carried  the  bill  through  Congress,  but  Ran- 
dolph had  the  satisfaction  of  seeing  his  characteri- 
zation of  the  measure  amply  justified  by  the  course 
of  events. 

With  the  Non-Importation  Act  as  a  weapon,  the 


[i  1 

I 'It 


m 


\^\ 


li  i 


1 


148   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
iVwdent  was  confident  that  Monroe,  who  had 
once  more  returned  to  his  post  in  Undon.  could 
force  a  settlement  of  all  outstanding  differences 
with  Great  Britain.     To  his  annoyance,  and  to 
Monroe's  chagrin,  however,  he  was  obliged  to  send 
a  special  envoy  to  act  with  Monroe.    Factious  op- 
position  in  the  Senate  forced  the  President  to  pla- 
cate the  Federalists  by  appointing  William  Pinkney 
of  Maryland.    The  American  commissioners  were 
instructed  to  insist  upon  three  concessions  in  the 
treaty  which  they  were  to  negotiate:  restoration  of 
trade  with  enemies'  colonies,  indemnity  for  cap- 
tures made  since  the  Essex  decision,  and  express 
repudiation  of  the  right  of  impressment.   In  return 
for  these  concessions,  they  might  hold  out  the  pos- 
sible repeal  of  the  Non-Importation  Act!    Only 
confirmed  optimists  could  believe  that  the  mistress 
of  the  seas,  flushed  with  the  victory  of  Trafalgar, 
would  consent  to  yield  these  points  for  so  slight  a 
compensation.    The  mission  was,  indeed,  doomed 
from  the  outset,  and  nothing  more  need  be  said  of 
it  than  that  in  the  end,  to  secure  any  treaty  at 
all,  Monroe  and  Pinkney  broke  their  instructions 
and  set  aside  the  three  ultimate.    What  they  ob- 
tained in  return  seemed  so  insignificant  and  doubt- 
ful, and  what  they  paid  for  even  these  slender 


THE  PACIFISTS  OP  1807  149 

wmpeiwations  seemed  so  exorbitant,  that  the  ftea- 
ident  would  not  even  submit  the  treaty  to  the  Sen- 
ate.  The  first  apphcation  of  t  he  theory  of  peaceable 
roercion  thus  ended  in  humiliating  failure.    Jeffer- 
son thought  it  be.,t  "to  let  the  negotiation  take  a 
friendly  nap";  hut  Madison,  who  felt  that  his  po- 
litical future  depended  on  a  diplomatic  triumph 
over  England,  drafted  neu  iristruc  lions  for  the  two 
commissioners,  hoping  that  the  treaty  might  yet  be 
put  into  ace,  ptable  form.    It  was  \.  hile  these  new 
instructions    were   crossing    the   ocean   that   the 
Chesapeake  struck  tu  t  colors. 

James  Monroe  is  one  of  the  mos«  unlucky  diplo- 
mats in  American  history.    From  those  «'ar]y  days 
when  he  had  received  the  fraternal  embraces  of  the 
Jacobins  in  Paris  and  had  been  recalled  by  Presi- 
dent Washington,  to  the  Ul-fated  Spanish  mission, 
circumstances  seem  to  have  conspired  against  him. 
The  honor  of  negotiating  the  purchase  of  Louisiana 
should  have  been  his  alone,  but  he  arrived  just  a 
day  too  late  and  was  obliged  to  divide  the  glory 
with  Livingston.    On  this  mission  to  England  he 
was  not  permitted  to  conduct  negotiations  alone 
but  was  associated  with  William  Pinkney,  a  Feder- 
alist.  No  wonder  he  suspected  Madison,  or  at  least 


I' 

Mi 


r 


■ul 


in 


rt  I 


)i- 


150   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  CO1.LEAGUES 
Madison's  friends,  of  wishing  to  discredit  him. 
And  now  another  impossible  task  was  laid  upon 
him.    He  was  instiucted  to  demand  not  only  dis- 
avowal and  reparation  for  the  attack  on  the  Chesa- 
peake and  the  restoration  of  the  American  seamen, 
but  also  as  "an  indispensable  part  of  the  satisfac- 
tion" "an  entire  abolition  of  impressments."    If 
the  Secretary  of  State  had  deliberately  contrived  to 
d.'liver  Monroe  into  the  hands  of  George  Canning, 
he  could  not  have  been  more  successful,  for  Mon- 
roe had  ah-cady  protested  against  the  Chesapeake 
outrage  as    n  act  of  aggression  which  should  be 
pronipt.y  disavowed  without  reference  to  the  larg- 
er question  of  impressment.    He  was  now  obliged 
to  eat  his  own  words  and  inject  into  the  discussion, 
as  Canning  put  it,  the  irrelevant  matters  which 
they  had  agreed  to  separate  from  the  present  con- 
troversy.   Canning  was  quick  to  see  his  opportu- 
nity.   Mr.  Monroe  must  be  aware,  said  he,  that  on 
several  recent  occasions  His  Majesty  had  firmly 
declined  to  waive  "the  ancient  and  prescriptive 
usages  of  Great  Britain,  foupded  on  the  soundest 
principles  of  jiatural  law,"  simply  because  they 
might  come  in  contact  with  the  interests  or  the 
feelings  of  the  American  people.     If  Mr.  Mon- 
roe's instructions  left  him  powerless  to  adjust  this 


THE  PACIFISTS  OF  1807  151 

regrettable  incident  of  the  Leopard  and  the  Chesa- 
peake, without  raising  the  other  question  of  the 
right  of  search  and  impressment,  then  His  Majesty 
could  only  send  a  special  envoy  to  the  United 
States  to  terminate  the  controversy  in  a  manner 
satisfactory  to  both  countries.  "But,"  added 
Canning  with  sarcasm  which  was  not  lost  on  Mon- 
roe, "in  order  to  avoid  the  inconvenience  which  has 
arisen  from  the  mixed  nature  of  your  instructions, 
that  minister  will  not  be  empowered  to  entertain 
.  .  .  any  proposition  respecting  the  search  of 
merchant  vessels." 

One  more  humiliating  experience  was  reserved 
for  Monroe  before  his  diplomatic  career  closed. 
Following  Madison's  new  set  of  instructions,  he  and 
Pinkney  attempted  to  reopen  negotiations  for  the 
revision  of  the  discredited  treaty  of  the  preceding 
year.  But  Canning  had  reasons  of  his  own  for 
wishing  to  be  rid  of  a  treaty  which  had  been  drawn 
by  the  late  Whig  Mmistry.  He  informed  the 
American  commissioners  arrogantly  that  "the  pro- 
posal of  the  President  of  the  United  States  for  pro- 
ceeding to  negotiate  anew  upon  the  basis  of  a  treaty 
already  solemnly  concluded  and  signed,  is  a  propos- 
al wholly  inadmissible."  His  Majesty  could  there- 
fore only  acquiesce  in  the  refusal  of  the  President 


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152   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
to  ratify  the  treaty.    One  week  later,  James  Mon- 
roe departed  from  London,  never  again  to  set  foot 
on  British  soU,  leaving  Pinkney  to  assume  the  du- 
ties of  Minister  at  the  Court  of  St.  James.     For 
the  second  time  Monroe  returned  to  his  own  coun- 
try discredited  by  the  President  who  had  appomted 
him.    In  both  instances  he  felt  himself  the  victim 
of  injustice.    In  spite  of  his  friendship  for  Jefferson, 
he  was  embittered  against  the  Administration  and 
in  this  mood  lent  himself  all  too  readily  to  the 
schemes  ai  John   Randolph,    who   had   ah-eady 
pickrd  him  as  the  one  candidate  who  could  beat 
Bladison  in  the  next  preadential  election. 

From  the  point  of  view  of  George  Canning  and 
the  Tory  squirearchy  whose  mouthpiece  he  was, 
the  Chesapeake  affair  was  but  an  incident  —  an  un- 
happy incident,  to  be  sure,  but  still  only  an  inci- 
dent —  in  the  world-wide  struggle  with  Napoleon. 
What  was  at  stake  was  nothing  less  than  the  com- 
mercial supremacy  of  Great  Britain.  The  astound- 
ing growth  of  Napoleon's  empire  was  a  standing 
menace  to  British  trade.  The  overthrow  of  Prussia 
in  the  fall  of  1806  left  the  Corsican  in  control  of 
Central  Europe  and  in  a  position  to  deal  his  long 
premeditated  blow.  A  fortnight  after  the  battle  of 
Jena,  he  entered  Berlin  and  there  issued  the  famous 


THE  PACIFISTS  OF  1807  153 

decree  which  was  his  answer  to  the  British  blockade 
of  the  French  channel  ports.    Since  England  does 
not  recognize  the  system  of  international  law  uni- 
versally observed  by  all  civilized  nations  —  so  the 
preamble  read  —  but  by  a  monstrous  abuse  of  the 
right  of  blockade  has  determined  to  destroy  neutral 
trade  and  to  raise  her  commerce  and  industry  upon 
the  ruins  of  that  of  the  continent,  and  since  "who- 
ever deals  on  the  continent  in  English  goods  there- 
by favors  and  renders   himself  an  accomplice  of 
her  designs,"  therefore  the  British  I^lesare  declared 
to  be  in  a  state  of  blockade.    Henceforth  all  English 
goods  were  to  be  lawful  prize  in  any  territory  held 
by  the  troops  of  France  or  her  allies;  and  all  vessels 
which  had  come  from  English  ports  or  from  Eng- 
lish colonies  were  to  be  confiscated,  together  with 
their  cargoes.    This  challenge  was  too  much  for  the 
moral  equilibrium  of  the  squires,  the  shipowners, 
and  the  merchants  who  dominated  Parliament.    It 
dulled  their  sense  of  justice  and  made  them  impa- 
tient under  the  pin-pricks  which  came  from  the 
United  States.    "A  few  short  months  of  war,"  de- 
clared the  Morning  Post  truculently,  "would  con- 
vince these  desperate  [American]  politicians  of  the 
folly  of  measuring  the  strength  of  a  rising,  but  still 
infant  and  puny,  nation  with  lht>  colossal  power  of 


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154  JEFPEHSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
the  British  Empire."  "Right."  said  the  Times,  an- 
other organ  of  the  Tory  Government,  "is  power 
sanctioned  by  usage."  Concession  to  Americans 
at  this  crisis  was  not  to  be  entertained  for  a  mo- 
ment, for  after  all,  said  the  Times,  they  "possess 
all  the  vices  of  their  Indian  neighbors  without 
their  virtues." 

In  this  temper  the  British  Government  was  pre- 
pared to  ignore  the  United  States  and  deal  Na- 
poleon blow  for  blow.    An  order-in-council  of  Janu- 
ary 7,  1807,  asserted  the  right  of  retaliation  and 
declared  that  "no  vessel  shall  be  permitted  to  trade 
from  one  port  to  another,  both  which  ports  shall 
belong  to.  or  be  in  possession  of  France  or  her 
allies."    The  peculiar  hardship  of  this  order  for 
American  shipowners  is  revealed  by  the  papers  of 
Stephen  Girard  of  Philadelphia,  whose  shrewdness 
and  enterprise  were  making  him  one  of  the  mer- 
chant princes  of  his  time.    One  of  his  ships,  the 
Liberty,  of  some  250  tons,  was  sent  to  Lisbon  with 
a  cargo  of  2052  barrels  and  220  half-barrels  of  flour 
which  cost  the  owner  $10.68  a  barrel.     Her  cap- 
tain, on  entering  port,  learned  that  flour  com- 
manded a    better   price  at    Cadiz.     To    Cadiz, 
accordingly,  he  set  sail  and  sold  his  cargo  for  $22.50 
a  barrel,  winning  for  the  owner  a  goodly  profit 


THE  PACIFISTS  OF  1807  155 

of  $25,000,  less  commission.  It  was  such  trading 
ventures  as  this  that  the  British  order-in-council 
doomed. 

What  American  shipmasters  had  now  to  fear 
from  both  belligerents  was  made  startlingly  clear 
by  the  fate  of  the  ship  Horizon,  which  had  sailed 
from  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  v/ith  a  cargo  for 
Zanzibar.     On  the  way  she  touched  at  various 
South  American  ports  and  disposed  of  most  of  her 
cargo.    Then  changing  her  destination,  and  taking 
on  a  cargo  for  the  English  market,  she  set  sail  for 
London.    On  the  way  she  was  forced  to  put  in  at 
Lisbon  to  refit.    As  she  left  to  resume  her  voyage 
she  was  seized  by  an  English  frigate  and  brought  in 
as  a  fair  prize,  since  —  according  to  the  Rule  of 
1756  —  she  had  been  apprehended  in  an  illegal 
traffic  between  an  enemy  country  and  its  colony. 
The   British    prize  court  condemned   the   cargo 
but  released  the  ship.     The  unlucky  Horizon  then 
loaded  with  an  English  cargo  and  failed  again  to 
Lisbon,  but  misfortune  overtook  her  and  she  was 
wrecked  off  the  French  coast.    Her  cargo  was  sal- 
vaged, however,  and  what  wjis  not  of  English  ori- 
gin was  restored  to  her  owners  by  decree  of  a 
French  prize  court ;  the  rest  of  her  cargo  was  con- 
fiscated under  the  terms  of  the  Berlin  decree. 


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156   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
When  the  American  Minister  protested  at  this  de- 
cmon,  he  was  told  that  "since  America  suffers  her 
^ships  to  be  searched,  she  adopts  the  principle  that 
the  flag  does  not  cover  the  goods.    Since  she  recog- 
nizes the  absurd  blockades  laid  by  England,  con- 
sents to  having  her  vessels  incessantly  stopped,  sent 
to  England,  and  so  turned  aside  from  their  course 
why  should  the  Americans  not  suffer  the  blockade* 
laid  by  France?    Certainly  France  recognizes  that 
these  measures  are  unjust,  illegal,  and  subversive 
of  national  sovereignty;  but  it  is  the  duty  of  na- 
tions  to  resort  to  force,  and  to  declare  themselves 
against  things  which  dishonor  them  and  disgrace 
their  independence."'    But  an  invitation  to  enter 
the  European  mc  '  -om  and  battle  for   leutral 
nghts  made  no  impression  upon  the  mild-tempered 
President. 

It  is  as  clear  as  day  that  the  British  Government 
was  now  determined,  under  pretense  of  retaliat- 
mg  upon  France,  to  promote  British  trade  with 
the  continent  by  every  means  and  at  the  expense 
of  neutrals.  Another  order-in-council,  November 
11,  1807.  closed  to  neutrals  all  European  ports 
under  French  control,  "as  if  the  same  were  actu- 
ally blockad.Hi,"  but  permitted  vessels  which  first 

■■  Henrv  Adams.  llMorf, ,.,,;,,  Cnited  Slates,  n.  p.  no. 


THE  PACIFISTS  OF  1807  157 

entered  a  British  port  and  obtained  a  British  license 
to  sail  to  any  continental  port.  It  was  an  order 
which,  as  Henry  Adams  has  said,  could  have  but 
one  purpose  —  to  make  American  commerce  Eng- 
lish. This  was  precisely  the  contemporary  opin- 
ion of  the  historian's  grandfather,  who  declared  that 
"the  orders-in-council,  if  submitted  to,  would  have 
degraded  us  to  the  condition  of  colonists." 

Only  one  more  blow  was  needed,  it  would  seem, 
to  complete  the  ruin  of  American  commerce.  It  fell 
a  month  later,  when  Napoleon,  having  overrun  the 
Spanish  peninsula  and  occupied  Portugal,  issued 
his  Milan  decree  of  December  17,  1807.  Hence- 
forth any  vessel  which  submitted  to  search  by 
English  cruisers,  or  paid  any  tonnage  duty  or  tax  to 
the  English  Government ,  or  sailed  to  or  from  any 
English  port,  would  be  captured  and  condemned  as 
lawful  prize.  Such  was  to  be  the  maritime  code  of 
France  "until  England  should  return  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  international  law  which  are  also  those  of 
justice  and  honor." 

Never  was  a  commercial  nation  less  prepared  to 
defend  itself  against  depredations  than  the  United 
States  of  America  in  this  year  1 807.  For  this  unpre- 
paredness  many  must  bear  the  blame,  but  Presi- 
dent Jefferson  has  become  the  scapegoat.     This 


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IM   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
Virginia  farmer  and  landsman  was  not  only  igno- 
rant and  distrustfnl  of  all  the  implements  of  war. 
but  utterly  unfamiliar  with  the  ways  of  the  sea  and 
with  the  first  principles  of  sea-power.    The  Tri 
pohtan  War  seems  to  have  inspired  him  with  a  single 
fixed  .dea  -  that  for  defensive  purposes  gunboats 
were  superior  to  frigates  and  less  costly.    He  set 
orth  this  idea  in  a  special  message  to  Congress 
(February  10.  1807).  claiming  to  have  the  support 
of    professional  men,"  amoufe^  whom  he  mentioned 
Cmerals  Wilkinson  and  Cato.f    He  proposed  the 
construction  of  two  hundred  of  these  gunboats, 
which  would  be  distributed  among  the  various  ex- 
posed  harbors,  where  in  time  of  peace  they  would 
be  hauled  up  on  shore  under  sheds,  for  protection 
against  sun  and  storm.    As  emergency  arose  these 
floating  batteries  were  to  be  manned  by  the  seamen 
and  mihtia  of  the  port.    What  appealed  particular- 
ly  to  the  President  in  this  programme  was  the  im- 
munity  it  offered  from  "an  excitement  to  engage  in 
offensive  maritime  war."  Gallatin  would  have  mod- 
ified even  this  plan  for  economy's  sake.    He  wouid 
have  constructed  only  one-half  of  the  proposed  fleet 
since  the  large  seaports  could  probably  build  thirty 
gunboats  in  as  many  days,  if  an  emergency  arose 
In  extenuation  of  Gallatin's  shortsightedness,  it 


THE  PACIFISTS  OF  1807  159 

should  be  remembered  that  he  was  a  native  of 
Switzerland,  whose  navy  has  never  ploughed  many 
seas.    It  is  less  easy  to  excuse  the  rest  of  the  Presi- 
dent's advisers  and  the  Congress  wiiich  was  be- 
guiled into  accepting  this  naive  project.    Nor  did 
the  Chesapeake  outrage  teach  either  Congress  or 
the  Administration  a  salutary  lesson.    On  the  con- 
trary, when  in  October  the  news  of  the  bombard- 
ment of  Copenhagen  had  shattered  the  nerves  of 
statesmen  in  all  neutral  countries,  and  while  the 
differences  with  England  were  still  unsettled,  Jef- 
ferson and  his  colleagues  decided  to  hold  four  of  the 
best  frigates  in  port  and  use  them  "as  receptacles 
for  enlisting  seamen  to  fill  the  gunboats  occasion- 
ally."   Whom  the  gods  would  punish  they  first 
make  mad ! 

The  17th  of  December  was  a  memorable  day  in 
the  annals  of  this  Administration.  Favorable 
tradewinds  had  brought  into  American  ports  a 
number  of  packets  with  news  from  Europe.  The 
FUvenge  had  arrived  in  New  York  with  Armstrong's 
dispatches  announcing  Napoleon's  purpose  to  en- 
force the  Berlin  decree;  the  Edward  had  reached 
Boston  with  British  newspapers  forecasting  the  or- 
der-in-council  of  the  1 1th  of  November.  This  news 
burst  like  a  bomb  in  Washington  where  the  genial 


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160   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

President  was  observing  with  scientific  detachment 
the  operation  of  hitt  policy  of  commercial  coercion. 
The  Non-Importation  Act  had  just  gone  into  eflfect. 
Jefferson  immediately  called  his  Cabinet  together. 
All  were  of  one  mind  The  impending  order  'n- 
cowicil,  it  was  agreed,  left  but  one  alternative. 
Commerce  mu.«t  be  LoUilly  suspended  until  the  full 
scope  of  the»»*  new  aggr<  sions  could  be  (ocertained. 
The  President  took  u  I'josc  shfct  of  paper  and 
drafted  hastily  a  message  to  Congress,  recommend- 
ing an  embargo  in  anticiputiun  of  the  offensive 
British  order.  But  the  prudent  Madison  urged 
that  it  was  better  not  ♦o  refer  explicitly  to  the  order 
and  proposed  a  substitute  which  simply  recom- 
mended "an  immediate  inhibition  of  the  departure 
of  our  vessels  from  the  ports  of  the  United  States," 
on  the  ground  that  shipping  was  likely  to  be  ex- 
posed to  greater  dangers.  Only  Gallatin  demurred : 
he  would  have  preferred  an  embargo  for  a  limited 
time.  "I  prefer  war  to  a  permanent  embargo,"  he 
wrote  next  day.  "Government  prohibitions,"  he 
added  significantly,  "do  always  more  mischief  than 
had  been  calculated."  But  Gallatin  was  overruled 
and  the  message,  in  Madison's  form,  was  sent  lo 
Congress  on  the  following  day.  The  Senate  im- 
mediately passed  the  desired  bill  through  three 


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THE  PACIFISTS  OF  1807  161 

readings  in  a  single  day;  the  House  confirmed 
this  action  after  only  two  days  of  debate;  and 
on  the  22d  of  December,  the  President  signed  the 
£mbargo  Act. 

What  was  this  measure  which  was  passed  by 
Congress  almost  without  discussion?   Ostensibly  it 
was  an  act  for  the  protection  of  American  ships, 
merchandise,  and  seamen.    It  forbade  the  depar- 
ture  of  all  ships  for  foreign  ports,  except  vessels  un- 
der  the  immediate  direction  of  the  President  and 
vessels  in  ballast  or  already  loaded  with  goods 
Foreign  armed  vessels  were  exempted  also  as  a  mat- 
ter  of  course.    Coasting  ships  were  to  give  bonds 
double  the  value  of  vessel  and  cargo  to  reland  their 
freight  m  some  port  of  the  United  States.    Histo- 
rians have  discovered  a  degree  of  duplicity  in  the 
alleged  motives  for  this  act.   How.  it  is  asked,  could 
protection  of  ships  and  seamen  be  the  motive  when 
all  of  Jefferson's  private  letters  disclose  his  deter- 
mination to  put  his  theory  of  peaceable  coercion  to 
a  practical  test  by  this  measure.?    The  criticism  is 
not  altogether  fair.  for.  as  Jefferson  would  himself 
have  replied,  peaceable  coercion  was  designed  to 
force  the  withdrawal  of  orders-in-council  and  de- 
crees that       naced  the  safety  of  ships  and  cargoes 
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162  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
to  be  sure,  but  the  end  in  view  was  protection 
of  American  lives  and  property.  Madison  was 
not  quite  candid,  nevertheless,  when  he  assured 
the  British  Minister  that  the  embargo  was  a  pre- 
cautionary measure  only  and  not  conceived  with 
hostile  intent. 

Chimerical  this  policy  seemed  to  many  contem- 
poraries; chimerical  it  has  seemed  to  historians,  and 
to  us  who  have  passed  though  the  World  War. 
Yet  in  the  World  War  it  was  the  possession  of  food 
stuffs  and  raw  materials  by  the  United  States 
which  gave  her  a  dominating  position  in  the  coun- 
cils of  the  Allies.    Had  her  commerce  in  1807  been 
as  necessary  to  England  and  France  as  it  was  "at 
the  very  peak"  of  the  World  War,  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son might  have  proved  that  peaceable  coercion  is 
an  effective  alternative  to  war;  but  he  overesti- 
mated the  magnitude  and  importance  of  the  carry- 
ing trade  of  the  United  States,  and  erred  still  more 
grievously  in  assuming  that  a  public  conscience  ex- 
isted which  would  prove  superiDr  to  the  temptation 
to  evade  the  law.    Jefferson  dreaded  war  quite  as 
much  because  of  its  concomitants  as  because  of  its 
inevitable  brutality,  quite  is  much  because  it  tend- 
ed to  exalt  government  and  to  produce  corruption 
as  because  it  maimed  bodies  and  sacrificed  human 


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THE  PACIFISTS  OF  1807  16S 

lives.  Yet  he  never  took  fully  into  account  the 
possible  accompaniments  of  his  alternative  to  war. 
That  the  embargo  would  C  -bauch  public  morals  and 
make  government  arbitrary,  he  was  to  learn  only  by 
bitter  experience  and  personal  humiliation. 

Just  after  the  passage  of  this  momentous  act. 
Canning's  special  envoy,  George  Rose,  arrived  in 
the  United  States.  A  British  diplomat  of  the  better 
sort,  with  much  dignity  of  manner  and  suave  cour- 
tesy, he  was  received  with  more  than  ordinary  con- 
sideration by  the  Administration.  He  was  com- 
missioned, every  one  supposed,  to  oflFer  reparation 
for  the  Chesapeake  aflFair.  Even  after  he  had  noti- 
fied Madison  that  his  instructions  bade  him  insist, 
as  an  indispensable  preliminary,  on  the  recall  of 
the  President's  Chesapeake  proclamation,  he  was 
treated  with  deference  and  assured  that  the  Presi- 
dent was  prepared  to  comply,  if  he  could  do  so  with- 
out incurring  the  charge  of  inconsistency  and  disre- 
gard of  national  honor.  Madison  proposed  to  put  a 
proclamation  of  recall  in  Rose's  hands,  duly  signed 
by  the  President  and  dated  so  as  to  correspond 
with  the  day  on  which  all  diflFerences  should  be  ad- 
justed. Rose  consented  to  this  course  and  the 
proclamation  was  delivered  into  his  hands.  He 
then  divulged  little  by  little  his  further  instructions. 


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164   JEFFERSON   UVD  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
which  were  such  as  no  self-respecting  administra- 
tion could  listen  to  with  composure.    Canning  de- 
manded a  formal  disavowal  of  Commodore  Bar- 
ron's conduct  in  encouraging  deserters  from  His 
Majesty's  service  and  harboring  them  on  board  his 
ship.    "You  will  sUte."  read  Rose's  instructions, 
"that  such  disavowals,  solemnly  expressed,  would 
aflford  to  His  Majesty  a  satisfactory  pledge  on  the 
part  of  the  American  Government  that  the  recur- 
rence of  similar  causes  will  not  on  any  occasion  im 
pose  on  His  Majesty  the  necessity  of  authorizing 
those  means  of  force  to  which  Admiral  Berkeley 
has  resorted  without  authority,  but  which  the  con- 
tinued repetition  of  such  provocations  as  unfortu- 
nately led  to  the  attack  upon  the  Chesapeake  might 
render  necessary,  as  a  just  reprisal  on  the  part  of 
His  Majesty."  No  doubt  Rose  did  his  best  to  soft- 
en the  tone  of  these  instructions,  but  he  could  not 
fail  to  make  them  clear;  and  Madison,  who  had 
conducted  theso  informal  interviews,  slowly  awoke 
to  the  real  nature  of  what  he  was  asked  to  do.    He 
closed  further  negotiations  with  the  comment  that 
the  United  States  could  not  be  expected  "lo  make, 
as  it  were,  an  expiatory  sacrifice  to  obtain  redress, 
or  beg  for  reparation."   The  Administration  deter-' 
mined  to  let  tiie  disavowal  of  Berkeley  suffice  for 


^-?  If  't  '- 


THE  PACIFISTS  OF  1807  ,o5 

the  present  and  to  allow  the  matter  of  reparation  to 
await  further  developments.  The  coercive  policy 
on  which  the  Administration  had  now  launched 
would,  it  was  confidently  believed,  bring  His 
Majesty's  Government  to  terms. 

The  very  suggestion  of  an  embargo  had  an  unex- 
pected effect  upon  American  shipmasters.  To  avoid 
being  shut  up  in  port  fleets  of  ships  put  out  to  sea, 
half-manned,  half-laden,  and  often  without  clear- 
ance papers.  With  freight  rates  soaring  to  un- 
heard-of altitudes,  ship-owners  were  willing  to  as- 
sume all  the  risks  of  the  sea  —  British  frigates  in- 
cluded. So  little  did  they  appreciate  the  protec- 
tion offered  by  a  benevolent  government  that  they 
assumed  an  attitude  of  hostility  to  authority  and 
evaded  the  exactions  of  the  law  in  every  conceiv- 
able way.  Under  guise  of  engaging  in  the  coasting 
trade,  many  a  ship  landed  her  cargo  in  a  foreign 
port;  a  brisk  traflBc  also  sprang  up  across  the  Cana- 
dian be  d  Amelia  Island  in  St.  Mary's  Riv- 
er, Flcr  . .  ame  a  notorious  mart  for  illicit  com- 
merce. ■  .  at  once  Congress  was  forced  to  pass 
supplementary  acts,  conferring  upon  collectors  of 
ports  powers  of  inspection  and  regulation  which 
Gallatin  unhesitatingly  pronounced  both  odious 
and  dangerous.   The  President  affixed  his  signature 


11   i' 


;  'fi\ 


I 


I  '■ 


'   } 


•W  JEFPEHSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
™efully  to  act,  which  i,.cre««d  the  army,  multi- 
plied the  number  of  gunboat,  under  con,L"t 
«d  appropriated  a  million  and  a  quarter  dolla^  to" 
the  construction  of  coast  defense,  and  the  eqm> 

mcntofu,  .ta.   •.Thi,emb...g„.ct."heconf:^,L. 

e3        d  H    T'  ™''""--«  -  --  had  to 
execute.    I  d,d  not  expect  a  crop  of  so  sudden  and 

could  have  grown  up  in  the  United  State,." 
The  wor,t  feature  of  the  experiment  «,.,  it,  in- 

approached  Canning  with  the  pr„po«l  of  a  J^ 

rr  r  f  '''""«'  '"'"  *«  -'^'■<'  the  eX 
go.  EngUnd  to  revoke  her  order,.in.c„uncil  -  he 

«ble  to  make  any  sacrifice  for  the  repeal  of  the  em- 
bjgo  w.thout  appearing  to  deprecate  it  a,  a  meas- 
rTmov  ,         '•  ''^'"»'W«'«"y  h-efacilitated  it, 

on  the  Amencan  peopU."  By  licen,ing  Americ«^ 
ve«eK  mdeed.  which  had  either  slip^  „T„f 

the  B„t„h  Government  was  even  profiting  by  this 

measureof restriction.  Itwasthesevagrantves^ 
which  gave  Napoleon  his  excuse  for  tfe  Bay^e 


,      < 


THE  PACIFISTS  OP  1807  m 

decree  of  April  17.  1808,  when  wi  ih  a  stroke  of  the 
pen  he  ordt-ed  tlu-  seizure  of  ull  American  ships 
in  French  ports  and  swept  property  to  the  value 
of  te,.  million  dollars  into  the  imperial  exchequer. 
Since  these  vessels  were  abroad  -n  violation  of  the 
embargo,  he  argued,  they  could  not  be  American 
craft  but  must  be  British  ships  in  disguise.    Gen- 
eral  Armstrong,  writing  from  Paris,  warned  the 
Secretary  of  State  not  to  expect  that  the  embargo 
would  do  more  than  keep  the  United  States  at 
peace  with  the  belligerents.    As  a  coercive  meas- 
ure, its  effect  was  nil.     "Here  it  is  not  felt,  and  in 
England  ...  it  is  forgotten." 

Before  the  end  of  the  year  the  failure  of  the  em- 
bargo was  patent  to  every  fair-minded  observer. 
Men  might  differ  ever  so  much  as  to  the  harm 
wrought  by  the  embargo  abroad ;  but  all  agreed  that 
it  was  not  bringing  either  France  or  England  to 

terms,andthatitwasworkingrealhardshipathome. 
federalists  in  New  England,  where  nearly  one- 
third  of  the  ships  in  the  c-rying  trade  were  owned, 
pointed  to  the  schooners '  tting  at  their  wharves," 
to  the  empty  shipyards  and  warehouses,  to  the  idle 
sailors  wandering  in  the  streets  of  port  towns,  and 
asked  passionately  how  long  they  must  be  sacri- 
ficed to  the  theories  of  this  charlatan  in  the  White 


? 


f,! 


II: 


in- 


h 


'  Hi 


/  n 


iii 


w 


!  i 


i    I  ^ 


I 


if  II  ■ 


5    i 


168   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

House  Even  Southern  rtepublican.  were  uking 
uneasily  when  the  fte.ident  would  realise  thrl  the 
embargo  was  ruining  planters  who  could  not  mar- 
ket  theu-  cotton  and  tobacco.  And  Republicans 
whose  pockets  were  not  touched  were  soberly  ques- 
tioning  whether  a  policy  that  reduced  the  annual 
value  of  exports  from  $108,000,000  to  |2«.000,000 
and  cut  the  national  revenue  in  half,  had  not  been 
tested  long  enough. 

Indications  multiplied  that  "the  dictatorship  of 
Mr.  Jefferson"  was  drawing  *o  a  close.    In  1808. 
after  the  election  of  Madison  as  his  successor,  he 
practically  abdicated  as  leader  of  his  party,  partly 
out  of  an  honest  conviction  that  he  ought  not  to 
commit  the  President-elect  by  any  positive  course 
of  action,  and  partly  no  doubt  out  of  a  less  praise- 
worthy  desire  not  to  admit  the  defeat  of  his  cher- 
ished principle.   His  abdication  left  the  party  with- 
out resolute  leadership  at  a  critical  moment.   Mad- 
ison and  Gallatin  tried  to  persuade  their  party 
associates  to  continue  the  embargo  unUl  June,  and 
then,  if  concessions  were  not  forthcoming,  to  declare 
war;  but  they  were  powerless  to  hold  the  Republi- 
can majority  together  on  this  programme.    Setting 

asidetheembargoandwniming  to  theearlier  policy 
of  non-mtercour.c.  ...egress  adopted  a  measure 


!|' 


THE  PACIFISTS  OF  1807  1(10 

which  excluded  all  English  and  French  vessels 
and  imports,  but  which  authorized  the  Presi  lent 
to  renew  trade  with  either  country  if  it  should 
mend  iU  ways.  On  March  1.  1809,  with  much 
bitterness  of  spirit,  Thomns  JefftTf«on  signed  the 
bill  which  ended  his  great  experinjont.  Mar  oa 
Jefferson  once  said  of  her  father  that  he  never  gave 
up  a  friend  or  an  opinion.  A  few  months  befon*  Ium 
death,  he  alluded  to  the  embargo,  with  the  pathetic 
insistence  of  old  age,  as  "a  measure,  which,  perse- 
vered in  a  little  longer  .  .  .  ould  have  effected 
its  object  completely." 


fl^ 


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■!l 


fi 


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t  II  -I 

ill:  ^ 


i    r  1 


i  ^jvf 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  LAST  PHASE  OP  PEACEABLE  COERCION 

Three  days  after  JeflFerson  gave  his  consent  to  the 
repeal  of  the  embargo,  the  Presidency  passed  in 
succession  to  the  second  of  the  Virginia  Dynasty. 
It  was  not  an  impressive  figure  that  stood  beside 
Jefferson  and  faced  the  great  crowd  gathered  in  the 
new  Hall  of  Representatives  at  the  Capitol.   James 
Madison  was  a  pale,  extremely  nervous,  and  obvi- 
ously unhappy  person  on  this  occasion.   For  a  mas- 
terful character  this  would  have  been  the  day  of 
days;  for  Madison  it  was  a  fearful  ordeal  which 
sapped  every  ounce  of  energy     He  trembled  vio- 
lently  as  he  began  to  speak  and  his  voice  was  almost 
maudible.    Those  who  could  not  hear  him  but  who 
afterward  read  the  Inaugural  Address  doubtless 
comforted  themselves  with  the  reflection  that  they 
had  not  missed  much.    The  new  President,  indeed 
had  nothing  new  to  say  -  no  new  policy  to  advo- 
cate.    He  could  only  repeat  the  old  platitudes 

170 


n  ; 


PEACEABLE  COERCION  171 

about  preferring  "amicable  discussion  and  reason- 
able accommodation  of  diflFerences  to  a  decision  of 
them  by  an  appeal  to  arms."  Evidently,  no  strong 
assertion  of  national  rights  was  to  be  expected  from 
this  plain,  homespun  President. 

At  the  Inaugural  Ball,  however,  people  forgot 
their  President  in  admiration  of  the  President's 
wife,  Dolly  Madison.  "She  looked  a  queen," 
wrote  Mrs.  Margaret  Bayard  Smith.  "She  had  on 
a  pale  buff-colored  velvet,  made  plain,  with  a  very 
long  train,  but  not  the  least  trimming,  and  beauti- 
ful pearl  necklace,  earings,  and  bracelets.  Her 
head  dress  was  a  turban  of  the  same  colored  velvet 
and  white  satin  (from  Paris)  with  two  superb 
plumes,  the  bird  of  paradise  feathers.  It  would  be 
absolutely  impossible  for  any  one  to  behave  with 
more  perfect  propriety  than  she  did.  Unassuming 
dignity,  sweetness,  grace.  Mr.  Madison,  on  the  con- 
trary," continued  this  same  warm-hearted  observer, 
"seemed  spiritless  and  exhausted.  While  he  was 
standing  by  me,  I  said,  'I  wish  with  all  my  heart  I 
had  a  little  bit  of  seat  to  offer  you.'  '  I  wish  so  too,' 
said  he,  with  a  most  woe-begone  face,  and  looking  as 
if  he  could  hardly  stand.  The  managers  came  up  to 
ask  him  to  stay  to  supper,  he  assented,  and  turning 
to  me, '  but  I  would  much  rather  be  in  bed,'  he  said." 


i 


h 


n  % 


i 


i  j  ft?? 


if 


il  ^ 


{ 

{ 


178   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

Quite  different  was  Mr.  Jefferson  on  this  occa- 
sion.    He  seemed  to  be  in  high  spirits  and  "his 
countenance  beamed  with  a  benevolent  joy  "    It 
seemed  to  this  ardrnt  admirer  that  "every  demon- 
s  ration  of  respect  to  Mr.  M.  gave  Mr.  J.  more 
P  easure  than  if  paid  to  himself."   No  wonder  that 
Mr.  Jefferson  was  in  good  spirits.    Was  he  not  now 
free  from  all  the  anxieties  and  worries  of  politics? 
Already  he  was   counting   on   retiring  "to  the 
elysium  of  domestic  affections  and  the  irresponsi- 
ble direction"  of  his  own  affairs.   A  week  later  he 
set  out  for  Monticello  on  horseback,  never  again 
to  set  foot  in  the  city  which  had  witnessed  his 
triumph  and  his  humiliation. 

The  election  of  Madison  had  disclosed  wide  rifts 
»n  his  party.  Mom-oe  had  lent  himself  to  the  de- 
signs of  John  Randolph  and  had  entered  the  list  of 
candidates  for  the  Presidency;  and  Vice-ftesident 
Chnton  had  also  been  put  forward  by  other  mal- 
contents. It  was  this  division  in  the  ranks  of  the 
opposition  which  in  the  end  had  insured  Madison's 

election;  but  factional  differences  pursued  Madison 
mto  the  White  House.  Even  in  the  choice  of  his 
official  family  he  was  forced  to  consider  the  prefer- 
ences of  politicians  whom  he  despised,  for  when  he 
would  have  appointed  Gallatin  Secretary  of  State 


PEACEABLE  COERCION  17S 

he  found  Giles  of  Virginia  and  Samuel  Smith  of 
Maryland  bent  upon  defeating  the  nomination. 
The  Smith  faction  was,  indeed,  too  influential  to  be 
ignored;  with  a  wry  face  Madison  stooped  to  a  bar- 
gain which  left  Gallatin  at  the  head  of  the  Treasury 
but  which  saddled  his  Administration  with  Rob- 
ert Smith,  who  proved  to  be  quite  unequal  to  the 
exacting  duties  of  the  Department  of  State. 

The  Administration  began  with  what  appeared 
to  be  a  great  diplomatic  triumph.  In  April  the 
President  issued  a  proclamation  announcing  that 
the  British  orders-in-council  would  be  withdrawn 
on  the  10th  of  June,  after  which  date  commerce 
with  Great  Britain  might  be  renewed.  In  the 
newspapers  appeared,  with  this  welcome  procla- 
mation, a  note  drafted  by  the  British  Minister 
Erskine  expressing  the  confident  hope  that  all  dif- 
ferences between  the  two  countries  would  be  ad- 
justed by  a  special  envoy  whom  His  Majesty  had 
determined  to  send  to  the  United  States.  The  Re- 
publican press  was  jubilant.  At  last  the  sage  of 
Monticello  was  vindicated.  "It  may  be  boldly  al- 
leged," said  the  National  Intelligencer,  "that  the 
revocation  of  the  British  orders  is  attributable  to 
the  embargo." 

Forgotten  now  were  all  the  grievances  against 


■•  i 

0  t 

.:  1 

r: 

1 

''i:'tt 


t'l 


1  ¥l 


;  I 


If- 
.1 


1^. 
I 


174  JEFFEHSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
G«.t  Brito.   Every  shipping  port  awoke  to  new 
Me.   Merchant,  hastened  to  consign  the  mercC 
"":  '°°«  ^^'^  i"  their  warehouses;  shiplatr 
«nt  ont  runners  for  crews;  and  ships  were    ^ 
wmg-ng  their  way  out  into  the  open  sea.    For  tre^ 

ire^^lndT""  ™^'  "°^'^''  "■'  -»  "»- 
te  ed,  and  then  came  the  bitter,  the  ineomprehen- 

».ble  news  that  Erskine's  arrangement  had  t™ 

■n-e  one  br,ef  moment  of  triumph  in  Madi«>n's 
admmistration  had  passed  ^^aaison  s 

Slowly  and  painfully  the  public  learned  the  truth 
E„kme  had  exceeded  his  instructions.    Canntg 
had  not  been  averse  to  concessions,  it  is  true,  but 
he  had  named  as  an  indispensable  condition  o 

bmd  ,tself  to  exclude  French  ships  of  war  from 
;ts  ports.  Instead  of  holding  to  the  lettero^ 
™truct.ons.  Erskine  had  allowed  himself  to  Z 
governed  bv  the  an!r!t  „f  nmseii  to  be 

„„-  J  .u  "^       °  concession  and  had  ie- 

no  ed  theessential  prerequisite.  NothingrcmlS 

Gr  at  /r"  '"^  ^^-I»t-«>-e  A^t  Tglt^ 
Great  Bntam.    This  the  President  did  by  pro^I 

b'kTurntT  '•  '"•"• """  "■^-■"-y-t"  d 

back  sullenly  mto  commercial  inactivity 
Another  scarcely  less  futile  chapter  in  diplomacy 


J., 


PEACEABLE  COERCION  175 

began  with  the  arrival  of  Francis  James  Jackson  as 
British  Minister  in  September.  Those  who  knew 
this  Briton  were  justified  in  concluding  that  con- 
ciliation had  no  important  place  in  the  programme 
of  the  Foreign  Office,  for  it  was  he  who,  two  years 
before,  had  conducted  those  negotiations  with  Den- 
mark which  culminated  in  the  bombardment  and 
destruction  of  Copenhagen.  "It  is  rather  a  pre- 
vailing notion  here,"  wrote  Pinkney  from  Londoj, 
"that  this  gentleman's  conduct  will  not  and  cannot 
be  what  we  all  wish."  And  this  impression  was  so 
fully  shared  by  Madison  that  he  would  not  hasten 
his  departure  from  Montpelier  but  left  Jackson  to 
his  own  devices  at  the  capital  for  a  full  month. 

This  interval  of  enforced  inactivity  had  one  un- 
happy consequence.  Not  fading  employment  for 
all  his  idle  hours,  Jackson  set  himself  to  read  the 
correspondence  of  his  predecessor,  and  from  it  he 
drew  the  conclusion  that  Erskine  was  a  greater  fool 
than  he  had  thought  possible,  and  that  the  Ameri- 
can Government  had  been  allowed  to  use  language 
of  which  "every  third  word  was  a  declaration  of 
war."  The  further  he  read  the  greater  his  ire,  so 
that  when  the  President  arrived  in  Wasiington 
(October  1),  Jackson  was  fully  resolved  to  let  the 
American  Government  know  what  was  due  to  a 


'l-'Vl 


tr 


li; 


lii 


r 

If 

I 


U    ,1    i   ; 


176   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
British  Minister  who  had  had  audiences  "with  most 
of  the  sovereigns  of  Europe." 

Though  neither  the  President  nor  Gallatin,  to 
whose  mature  judgment  he  constantly  turned,  be- 
lieved that  Jackson  had  any  proposals  to  make, 
they  were  willing  to  let  Robert  Smith  carry  on  in- 
formal conversations  with  him.    It  speedily  ap- 
peared  that  so  far  from  making  overtures,  Jadcson 
was  disposed  to  await  proposals.    The  President 
then  instructed  the  Secretary  of  State  to  announce 
that  further  discussions  would  be  "in  the  written 
form"  and  henceforth  himself  took  direct  charge  of 
negotiations.    The  exchange  of  letters  which  fol- 
lowed reveals  Madison  at  his  best.    His  rapier-like 
thrusts  soon  pierced  even  the  thick  hide  of  this  con- 
ceited Englishman.     The  stupid  Smith  who  signed 
these  letters  appeared  to  be  no  mean  adversary 
after  all. 

In  one  of  his  rejoinders  the  British  Minister 
yielded  to  a  flash  of  temper  and  insinuated  (as 
Canning  in  his  instructions  had  done)  that  the 
American  Government  had  known  Erskine's  in- 
structions and  had  encouraged  him  to  set  them 
aside  —  had  connived  in  short  at  his  wrongdoing. 
''Such  insinuations,"  replied  Madison  sharply, 
"are  inadmissible  in  the  intercourse  of  a  foreign 


PEACEABLE  COERCION  177 

mmister  with  a  government  that  understands  what 
it  owes  itself."    "You  will  find  that  in  my  corre- 
spondence with  you,"  wrote  Jackson  angrily,  "I 
have  carefully  avoided  drawing  conclusions  that 
did  not  necessarily  follow  from  the  premises  ad- 
vanced by  me,  and  least  of  all  should  I  think  of 
uttering  an  insinuation  where  I  was  unable  to  sub- 
stautiate  a  fact."     A  fatal  outburst  of  temper 
which  delivered  the  writer  into  the  hands  of  his  ad- 
versary.   "Sir,"  wrote  the  President,  still  using  the 
pen  of  his  docUe  secretary,  "finding  that  you  have 
used  a  language  which  cannot  be  understood  but  as 
reiterating  and  even  aggravating  the  same  gross 
insinuation,  it  only  remains,  in  order  to  preclude 
opportunities  which  are  thus  abused,  to  inform  you 
that  no  further  communications  will  be  received 
from  you."    Therewith  terminated  the  American 
mission  of  Francis  James  Jackson. 


'  i 


Following  this  diplomatic  episode,  Congress 
again  sought  a  way  of  escape  from  the  conse- 
quences of  total  non-intercourse.  It  finally  enacted 
a  bill  known  as  Macon's  Bill  No.  2,  which  in  a  sense 
reversed  the  :oimer  policy,  since  it  left  commerce 
everywhere  free,  and  authorized  the  President,  "in 
case  either  Great  Britam  or  France  shall,  before  the 


n\. 


tf   «• 


178  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
3d  day  of  March  next,  so  revoke  or  modify  her 
edicts  as  that  they  shall  cease  to  violate  the  neutral 
commerce  of  the  United  States,"  to  cut  off  trade 
with  the  nation  which  continued  to  offend.  The 
act  thus  gave  the  President  an  immense  discretion- 
ary power  which  might  bring  the  country  face  to 
face  with  war.  It  was  the  last  act  in  that  extraor- 
dinary series  of  restrictive  measures  which  began 
with  the  Non-Intercourse  Act  of  1806.  The  policy 
of  peaceful  coercion  entered  on  its  last  phase. 

And  now,  once  again,  the  shadow  of  the  Corsican 
fell  across  the  seas.    With  the  unerring  shrewdness 
of  an  intellect  never  vexed  by  ethical  considera- 
tions. Napoleon  announced  that  he  would  meet  the 
desires  of  the  American  Government.    "I  am  au- 
thorized to  declare  to  you,  Sir,"  wrote  the  Due  de 
Cadore,  IVIinister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  to  Armstrong, 
"that  the  Decrees  of  Beriin  and  Milan  are  revoked, 
and  that  after  November  1  they  will  cease  to  have 
effect  —  it  being  understood  that  in  consequence 
of  this  declaration  the  English  are  to  revoke  their 
Orders-in-Council,  and  renounce  the  new  principles 
of  blockade  whi,  h  they  have  wished  to  establish;  or 
that  the  United  States,  conformably  to  the  Act  you 
have  just  communicated  [the  Macon  Act],  cause 
their  rights  to  be  respected  by  the  English." 


PEACEABLE  COERCION  179 

It  might  be  supposed  that  President  Madison, 
knowing  with  whom  he  had  to  deal,  would  have  hesi- 
tated to  accept  Napoleon's  asseverations  at  their 
face  value.  He  had,  indeed,  no  assurances  beyond 
Cadore's  letter  that  the  French  decrees  had  been 
repealed.  But  he  could  not  let  slip  this  opportu- 
nity to  force  Great  Britain's  hand.  It  seemed  to 
be  a  last  chance  to  test  the  effectiveness  of  peace- 
able coercion.  On  November  2,  1810,  he  issued 
the  momentous  proclamation  which  eventually 
made  Great  Britain  rather  than  France  the  ob- 
ject of  attack.  "  It  has  been  officially  made  known 
to  this  government,"  said  the  President,  "that 
the  said  edicts  of  France  have  been  so  revoked 
as  that  they  ceased,  on  the  first  day  of  the  pres- 
ent month,  to  violate  the  neutral  commerce  of 
the  United  States."  Thereupon  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  instructed  collectors  of  customs  that 
commercial  intercourse  with  Great  Britain  would 
be  suspended  after  the  2d  of  February  of  the 
following  year. 

The  next  three  months  were  full  of  painful  expe- 
riences for  President  Madison.  He  waited,  and 
waited  in  vain,  for  authentic  news  of  the  formal  re- 
peal of  the  French  decrees;  and  while  he  waited,  he 
was  distressed  and  amazed  to  learn  that  American 


l<.i 


if 


m 


m 


I*:  m  \ 


180   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
vessels  were  still  being  confiscated  in  French  ports. 
In  the  midst  of  these  uncertainties  occurred  the  bi- 
ennial congressional  elections,  the  outcome  of  which 
only  deepened  his  perplexities.    Nearly  one-half 
of  those  who  sat  in  the  existing  Congress  failed 
of  reelecUon,  yet,  by  a  vicious  custom,  the  new 
'louse,  which  presumably  reflected  the  popular 
mood  in  1810,  would  not  meet  for  thirteen  months, 
while  the  old  discredited  Congress  wearily  dragged 
out  its  existence  in  a  last  session.    Vigorous  presi- 
dential  leadership,  it  is  true,  might  have  saved  the 
expiring  Congrew  from  the  reproach  of  incapacity, 
but  such  leadership  was  not  to  be  expected  from 
James  Madison. 

So  it  was  that  the  President's  message  to  this 
moribund  Congress  was  simply  a  counsel  of  pru- 
dence  and  patience.    It  pointed  out,  to  be  sure,  the 
uncertainties  of  the  situation,  but  it  did  not  sum- 
mon wngress  sternly  to  face  the  alternatives.    It 
alh'ded  mildly  to  the  need  of  a  continuance  of  our 
defensive  and   precautionary  arrangements,  and 
suggested  further  organization  and  training  of  the 
miUtia;  it  contemplated  with  satisfaction  the  im- 
provement of  the  quantity  and  quality  of  the  out- 
put of  cannon  and  small  arms;  it  set  the  seal  of 
the  President's  approval  upon  the  new  military 


'4  i'-' 


PEACEABLE  ( OERCJON  181 

academy:  but  nowhere  did  it  sound  a  trumpet- 
call  to  real  preparedness. 

Even  to  these  mild  suggestions  Congress  re- 
sponded indifferently.     It  slightly  increased  the 
naval  appropriations,  but  it  actually  reduced  the 
appropriations  for  the  army;  and    .  adjourned 
without  acting  on  the  bill  authorizing  the  President 
to  enroll  fifty  thousand  volunteers.    Personal  ani- 
mosity and  prejudice  combined  to  defeat  the  pro- 
posals of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.    A  bill 
to  recharter  the  national  bank,  which  Gallatin  re- 
garded as  an  indispensable  fiscal  agent,  was  de- 
feated; and  a  bill  providing  for  a  general  increase 
of  duties  on  imports  to  meet  the  deficit  was  laid 
aside.      Congress  would  authorize  a  loan  of  five 
million  dollars  but  no  new  taxes.    Only  one  bill 
was  enacted  which  could  be  said  to  sustain  the  Pres- 
ident's policy  —  that  reviving   certain    parts   of 
the  Non-Intercourse  Act  of  1809  against  Great 
Britain.    With  this  last  helpless  gasp  the  Eleventh 
Congress  expired. 


j 


m 

hi 


The  defei  of  measures  which  the  Administra- 
tion had  ma  ic  its  own  amounted  to  a  vote  of  nocon- 
fidence.  Under  similar  circumstances  an  English 
Ministry  would  have  either  resigned  or  tested  the 


m 


1-;^ 


I  i 


184   JEFFERSOX  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
-entiment  of  the  country  by  a  general  election;  but 
the  American  Exwutive  powesses  no  such  means  of 
appealing  immediately  and  directly  to  the  electo- 
rate.    President  and  Congress  must  live  out  their 
allotted  terms  of  office,  even  though  their  anUgon- 
ism  paralyzes  the  operation  of  government.    What, 
then,  could  be  done  to  restore  confidence  in  the  Ad- 
ministration of  President  Madison  and  to  establish 
a  modw,  Vivendi  between  Executive  and  Legislative? 
It  seemed  to  the  Secretary  of  Treasury,  smarting 
under  the  defeat  of  his  bank  bill,  that  he  had  be- 
come  a  burden  to  the  Administration,  an  obstacle 
m  the  way  of  cordial  cooperation  between  the 
branches  of  the  Federal  Government.    The  factions 
which  had  defeated  his  appointment  to  the  De- 
partment of  State  seemed  bent  upon  discrediting 
him  and  his  policies.     "I  dearly  perceive."  he 
wrote  to  the  President,  "that  my  continuing  a 
member  of  the  present  Administration  is  no  longer 
of  any  public  utility,  invigorates  the  opposition 
against  yourself,  and  must  necessarily  be  attended 
with  an  increased  loss  of  reputation  by  myself.    Un- 
der those  impressions,  not  without  reluctance,  and 
after  perhaps  hesitating  too  long  in  the  hopes  of 
a  favorable  change.  I  beg  leave  to  tender  you 
my  resignation." 


PEACEABLE  COERCION  18S 

This  timely  letter  probably  saved  the  Adminit- 
tr»tion.    Not  for  an  insUnt  could  the  President 
consider  sacrificing  the  man  who  for  ten  years  had 
been  the  mainstay  of  Republican  power.    Madison 
acted  with  unwonted  promptitude.    He  refused  to 
accept  GalUtin's  resignation,  and  determined  to 
break  once  and  for  all  with  the  faction  which  had 
hounded  Gallatin  from  the  day  of  his  apfwintment 
and  which  had  foisted  upon  the  President  an  un- 
welcome Secretary  of  State.     Not  Gallatin  but 
Robert  Smith  should  go.    Still  more  surprising  was 
Madison's  quick   decision   to  name   Monroe  as 
Smith's  successor,  if  he  could  be  prevailed  upon  to 
accept.     Both  Virginians  understood  the  deeper 
personal  and  political  significance  of  this  appoint- 
ment.   Madison  sought  an  alliance  with  a  faction 
which  had  challenged  his  administrative  policy; 
Monroe  inferred  that  no  opposition  would  be  inter- 
poses *x)  his  eventual  elevation  to  the  Presidency 
when  Madison  should  retire.     What  neither  for 
the  moment  understood  was  the  effect  which  the 
appointment  would  have  upon  the  foreign  policy 
of  the  Administration.    Monroe  hesitat.  d,  for  he 
and  his  friends  had  been  open  critics  of  the  Presi- 
dent's pro-French  policy.    Was  the  new  Secretary 
of  Stete  to  be  bound  by  this  policy,  or  was  the 


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184   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
President  prepared  to  reverse  his  course  and  effect 
a  reconciliation  with  England? 

These  very  natural  misgivings  the  President 
brushed  aside  by  assuring  Monroe's  friends  that  he 
was  very  hopeful  of  settling  all  differences  with 
both  France  and  England.    Certainly  he  had  in  no 
wise  committed  himself  to  a  course  which  would 
prevent  a  renewal  of  negotiations  with  England ;  he 
had  always  desired  "a  cordial  accommodation." 
Thus  reassured.  Monroe  accepted  the  invitation 
never  once  doubting  that  he  would  reverse  the  poli- 
cy  of  the  Administration,  achieve  a  diplomatic  tri- 
umph, and  so  appear  as  the  logical  successor  to 
President  Madison. 

Had  the  new  Secretary  of  State  known  the  in- 
structions which  the  British  Foreign  Office  was 
drafting  at  this  moment  for  Mr.  Augustus  J.  Foster 
Jackson's  successor,  he  would  have  been  less  san- 
gume.    This  "very  gentlemanlike  young  man."  as 
Jackson  called  him.  was  told  to  make  some  slight 
concessions  to  American  sentiment  — he  might 
make  proper  amends  for  the  Chesapeake  affair  - 
but  on  the  crucial  matter  of  the  French  decrees  he 
was  bidden  to  hold  rigidly  to  the  uncompromis- 
ing position  taken  by  the  Foreign  Office  from  the 
beginning  -  that  the  Pr.ident  was  mistaken  in 


I  « 


PEACEABLE  COERCION  185 

thinking  that  they  had  been  repealed.  The  British 
Government  could  not  modify  its  orders-in-coun- 
cil  on  unsubstantiated  rumors  that  the  oflFensive 
French  decrees  had  been  revoked.  Secretly  Foster 
was  informed  that  the  Ministry  was  prepared  to  re- 
taliate  if  the  American  Government  persisted  in 
shutting  out  British  importations.  No  one  in  the 
Ministry,  or  for  that  matter  in  the  British  Isles, 
seems  to  have  understood  that  the  moment  had 
come  for  concession  and  not  retaliation,  if  peace- 
ful relations  were  to  continue. 

It  was  most  unfortunate  that  while  Foster  was 
on  his  way  to  the  United  States,  British  cru^ers 
should  have  renewed  the  blockade  of  New  York. 
Two  frigates,  the  Melampus  and  the  Guerriere,  lay 
off  Sandy  Hook  and  resumed  the  old  irritating 
practice  of  holding  up  American  vessels  and  search- 
ing them  for  deserters.    In  the  existing  state  of 
American  feeling,  with  the  Chesapeake  outrage  still 
unredressed,  the  behavior  of  the  British  command- 
ers was  as  perilous  as  walking  through  a  powder 
maga? "  .e  with  a  live  coal.   The  American  navy  had 
suffered  severely  from  Jefferson's  "chaste  reforma- 
tion" but  it  had  not  lost  its  fighting  spirit.   Officers 
who  had  served  in  the  war  with  Tripoli  prayed  for  a 


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186  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
fair  chance  to  avenge  the  Chesapeake;  and  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Navy  had  abetted  this  spirit  in  his 
orders  to  Commodore  John  Rodgers,  who  was  pa- 
trolling the  coast  with  a  squadron  of  frigates  and 
sloops.     "What  has  been  perpetrated."  Rodgers 
was  warned,  "may  be  again  attempted.   It  is  there- 
fore om-  duty  to  be  prepared  and  determined  at 
every  hazard  to  vindicate  the  injured  honor  of  our 
navy,  and  revive  the  drooping  spirit  of  the  nation." 
Under  the  circumstances  it  would  have  been  lit- 
tle short  of  a  miracle  i^  an  explosion  had  not  oc- 
curred; yet  for  a  year  Rodgers  sailed  up  and  down 
the  coast  without  encountering  the  British  frigates. 
On  May  16, 1811,  however,  Rodgers  in  his  frigate, 
the  President,  sighted  a  suspicious  vessel  some  fifty 
miles  off  Cape  Henry.    From  her  general  appear- 
ance  he  judged  her  to  be  a  man-of-war  and  prob- 
ably the  Guerri^re.   He  decided  to  approach  her,  he 
relates,  in  order  to  ascertain  whether  a  certain  sea- 
man alleged  to  have  been  impressed  was  aboard; 
but  the  vessel  made  off  and  he  gave  chase.    By 
dusk  the  two  ships  were  abreast.    Exactly  what 
then  happened  will  probably  never  be  known,  but 
all  accounts  agree  that  a  shot  was  fired  and  that 
a  general  engagement  followed.     Within  fifteen 
minutes  the  strange  vessel  was  disabled  and  lay 


PEACEABLE  COERCION  187 

helpless  under  the  guns  of  the  President,  with  nine 
of  her  crew  dead  and  twenty-three  wounded.  Then, 
to  his  intense  disappointment,  Rodger s  learn -^d  that 
his  adversary  was  not  the  Guerriere  but  tne  British 
sloop  of  war  Little  Belt,  a  craft  greatly  inferior 
to  his  own. 

However  little  this  one-sided  sea  fight  may  have 
salved  the  pride  of  the  American  navy,  it  gave  huge 
satisfaction  to  the  general  public.  The  Chesapeake 
was  avenged.  When  Foster  disembarked  he  found 
little  intere:  t  in  the  reparations  which  he  was 
r"harged  to  offer.  He  had  been  prepared  to  settle  a 
.ievance  in  a  good-natured  way;  he  now  felt  him- 
self obliged  to  demand  explanations.  The  boot  was 
on  the  other  leg;  and  the  American  public  lost  none 
of  the  humor  of  the  situation.  Eventually  he 
offered  to  disavow  Admiral  Berkeley's  act,  to  re- 
store the  seamen  taken  from  the  Chesapeake,  and  to 
compensate  them  and  their  families.  In  the  course 
of  time  the  two  unfortunates  who  had  survived 
were  brought  from  their  prison  at  Halifax  and  re- 
stored to  the  decks  of  the  Chesapeake  in  Boston 
Harbor.  But  as  for  the  Little  Belt,  Foster  had  to 
rest  content  with  the  findings  of  an  American  court 
of  inquiry  which  held  that  the  British  sloop  had 
fired  the  first  shot. 


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188   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

As  yet  there  were  no  visible  signs  that  Monroe 
had  effected  a  change  in  the  foreign  pohcy  of  the 
Administration,  though  he  had  given  the  President 
a  momentary  advantage  over  the  opposition.    An- 
other  crisis  was  fast  approaching.    When  Congress 
met  a  month  earlier  than  usual,  pursuant  to  the 
call  of  the  President,  the  leadership  passed  from  the 
Admmistration  to  a  group  of  men  who  had  lost  all 
faith  m  commercial  restrictions  as  a  weapon  of 
defense  against  foreign  aggression. 


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of 


CHAPTER  X 


THE  WAR-HAWKS 


Among  the  many  unsolved  problems  which  JeflFer- 
son  bequeathed  to  his  successor  in  oflBce  was  that 
of  the  southern  frontier.  Running  like  a  shuttle 
through  the  warp  of  his  foreign  policy  had  been  his 
persistent  desire  to  acquire  possession  of  the  Span- 
ish Floridas.  This  dominant  desire,  amounting 
almost  to  a  passion,  had  mastered  even  his  better 
judgment  and  had  created  dilemmas  from  which  he 
did  not  escape  without  the  imputation  of  duplicity. 
On  his  retirement  he  announced  that  he  was  leav- 
ing all  these  concerns  "to  be  settled  by  my  friend, 
Mr.  Madison,"  yet  he  could  not  resist  the  desire 
to  direct  the  course  of  his  successor.  Scarcely  a 
month  after  he  left  office  he  wrote,  "I  suppose 
the  conquest  of  Spain  will  soon  foi'ce  a  delicate 
question  on  you  as  to  the  Floridas  and  Cuba,  which 
will  oflFer  themselves  to  you.  Napoleon  wi''  cer- 
tainly give  his  consent  without  difficulty  tc  jur 

189 


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190   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

receiving  the  Floridas,  and  with  some  difficulty 
possibly  Cuba." 

In  one  respect  JeflFerson's  intuition  was  correct 
The  attempt  of  Napoleon  to  subdue  Spain  and  to 
seat  his  brother  Joseph  once  again  on  the  throne  of 
Ferdmand  VII  was  a  turning  point  in  the  history  of 
the  Spanish  colonies  in  America.   One  by  one  they 
rose  m  revolt  and  established  revolutionary  juntas 
either  m  the  name  of  their  deposed  King  or  in  pro- 
fessed  cofiperation  with  the  insurrectional^  gov- 
emment  which  was  resisting  the  invader.    Events 
proved  chat  independence  was  the  inevitable  issue 
of  aJl  these  uprisings  from  the  Rio  de  la  Plata  to 
the  Rio  Grande. 

In  common  with  other  Spam'sh  provinces.  West 
Florida  felt  the  impact  of  this  revolutionary  spirit 
but  It  lacked  natm-al  unity  and  a  dominant  Span- 
ish population.    The  province  was  in  fact  merely 
a  strip  of  coast  extending  from  the  Perdido  River 
to  the  Mississippi,  indented  with  bays  into  which 
great  nvers  from  the  north  discharged  their  turgid 
waters    Along  these  bays  and  rivers  were  scattered 
the  mhabitants,  numbering  less  than  one  hundred 
thousand,  of  whom  a  considerable  portion  had 
come  from  the  States.  There,  as  always  on  the  fron- 
tier, land  had  been  a  lodestone  attracting  both  the 


J  fe. 


THE  WAR-HAWKS  191 

speculator  and  the  homeseeker.  In  the  parishes 
of  West  Feliciana  and  Baton  Rouge,  in  the  allu- 
vial bottoms  of  the  Mississippi,  and  in  the  settle- 
ments around  Mobile  Bay,  American  sottlers  pre- 
dominated, submitting  with  ill  grace  to  the  exac- 
tions of  Spanish  ofiGcials  who  were  believed  to  be  as 
corrupt  as  they  were  inefficient. 

If  events  had  been  allowed  to  take  their  natural 
course.  West  Florida  would  in  all  probability  have 
fallen  into  the  arms  of  the  United  States  as  Texas 
did  three  decades  later.    But  the  Virginia  Presi- 
dents were  too  ardent  suitors  to  await  the  slow 
progress  of  events;  they  meant  to  assist  destiny. 
To  this  end  President  Jefferson  had  employed 
General  Wilkinson,  with  indifferent  success.   Presi- 
dent Madison  found  more  trustworthy  agents  in 
Governor  Claiborne  of  New  Orleans  and  Governor 
Holmes  of  Mississippi,  whose  letters  reveal  the  ex- 
tent to  which  Madison  was  willing  to  meddle  with 
destiny.    "Nature  had  decreed  the  union  of  Florida 
with  the  United  States,"  Claiborne  affirmed;  but 
he  was  not  so  sure  that  nature  could  be  left  to  exe- 
cute her  own  decrees,  for  he  strained  every  nerve  to 
prepare  the  way  for  American  intervention  when 
the  people  of  West  Florida  should  declare  them- 
selves free  from  Spain.   Holmes  also  was  instructed 


( 


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{ I 

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(      I 


198  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  C0LLEAGUF«4 
to  prepare  for  this  eventuality  and  to  cc  Jperate 
with  Claiborne  in  West  Florida  "in  diffusing  the 
impressions  we  wish  to  be  made  there." 

The  anticipated  insurrection  came  off  just  when 
and  where  nature  had  decreed.  In  the  summer  of 
1810  a  so-called  "movement  for  self-government" 
started  at  Bayou  Sara  and  at  Baton  Rouge,  where 
nine-tenths  of  the  inhabitants  were  Americans. 
The  leaders  took  pains  to  assure  the  Spanish  Com- 
mandant that  their  motives  were  unimpeachable: 
nothing  should  be  done  which  would  in  any  wise 
conflict  with  the  authority  of  their  "loved  and  wor- 
thy sovereign,  Don  Ferdinand  VII."  They  wished 
to  relieve  the  people  of  the  abuses  under  which  they 
were  suffering,  but  all  should  be  done  in  the  name 
of  the  King.  The  Commandant,  De  Lassus,  was 
not  without  his  suspicions  of  these  patriotic  gentle- 
men but  he  allowed  himself  to  be  swept  along 
in  the  current.  The  several  movements  finally 
coalesced  on  the  25th  of  July  in  a  convention  near 
Baton  Rouge,  which  declared  itself  "legally  con- 
stituted to  act  in  all  cases  of  national  concern 
.  .  .  with  the  consent  of  the  governor"  and  pro- 
fessed a  desire  "to  promote  the  safety,  honor, 
and  happiness  of  our  beloved  king"  as  well  as 
to  rectify  abuses  in  the  province.    It  adjourned 


THE  WAR-HAWKS  193 

with  the  familiar  Spanish  salutation  which  must 
have  sounded  ironical  to  the  helpless  De  Lassus, 
"May  God  preserve  you  many  years!"  Were 
these  pious  professions  farcical?  Or  were  they  the 
sincere  utterances  of  men  who,  like  the  patriots  of 
1776,  were  driven  by  the  march  of  events  out  of  an 
attitude  of  traditional  loyalty  to  the  King  into  open 
defiance  of  his  authority? 

The  Commandant  was  thus  thrust  into  a  positi'^n 
where  his  every  movement  would  be  watched  with 
distrust.  The  pretext  for  further  action  was  soon 
given.  An  intercepted  letter  revealed  that  De 
Lassus  had  written  to  Governor  Folch  for  an  armed 
force.  That  "act  of  perfidy"  was  enough  to  dissolve 
the  bond  between  the  convention  and  the  Com- 
mandant. On  the  23d  of  September,  under  cover  of 
night,  an  armed  force  shouting  "Hurrah!  Washing- 
ton ! "  overpowered  the  garrison  of  the  fort  at  Baton 
Rouge,  and  three  days  later  the  convention  declared 
the  independence  of  West  Florida,  "appealing  to  the 
Supreme  Ruler  of  the  World"  for  the  rectitude  of 
their  intentions.  What  their  intentions  were  is 
clear  enough.  Before  the  ink  was  dry  on  their  dec- 
laration of  independence,  they  wrote  to  the  Ad- 
ministration at  Washington,  asking  for  the  immedi- 
ate incorporation  of  West  Florida  into  the  Union. 

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194   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

Here  was  the  blessed  consummation  of  years 
of  diplomacy  near  at  hand.    Resident  Madison 
had  only  to  reach  out  his  hand  and  pluck  the  ripe 
fruit;  yet  he  hesitated  from  constitutional  scruples. 
Where  was  the  authority  which  warranted  the  use 
of  the  army  and  navy  to  hold  territory  beyond  the 
bounds  of  the  United  States?   Would  not  interven- 
tion,  indeed,  be  equivalent  to  an  unprovoked  at- 
tack on  Spain,  a  declaration  of  war?   He  set  forth 
his  doubts  in  a  letter  to  Jefferson  and  hinted  at  the 
danger  which  in  the  end  was  to  resolve  all  his 
doubts.    Was  there  not  grave  danger  that  West 
Florida  would  pass  into  the  hands  of  a  thii  d  and 
dangerous  party?    The  conduct  of  Great  Britain 
showed  a  propensity  to  fish  in  troubled  waters. 

On  the  27th  of  October.  Resident  Madison  is- 
sued  a  proclamation  authorizing  Governor  Clai- 
borne to  take  possession  of  West  Florida  and  to 
govern  it  as  part  of  the  Orleans  Territory.  He  jus- 
tified his  action,  which  had  no  precedent  in  Ameri- 
can diplomacy,  by  reasoning  which  was  valid  only 
if  his  fundamental  premise  was  accepted.  West 
Florida,  he  repeated,  as  a  part  of  the  Louisiana 
purchase  belonged  to  the  United  States;  but  with- 
out abandoning  its  claim,  the  United  States  had 
hitherto  suffered  Spain  to  continue  in  possession. 


I  HI 


THE  WAR-HAWKS 


195 


looking  forward  to  a  satisfactory  adjustment  by 
friendly  negotiation.  A  crisis  had  arrived,  how- 
ever, which  had  subverted  Spanish  authority;  and 
the  faihiro  of  the  United  States  to  take  the  territory 
would  threaten  the  interests  of  all  parties  and  seri- 
ously disturb  the  tranquillity  of  the  adjoining  terri- 
tOTies.  In  the  hands  of  the  United  States,  West 
Florida  would  "not  cease  to  be  a  subject  of  fair  and 
friendly  negotiation."  In  his  annual  message 
President  Madison  spoke  of  the  people  of  West 
Florida  as  having  been  "  brought  into  the  bosom  of 
the  American  family,"  and  two  days  later  Gover- 
nor Claiborne  formally  took  possession  of  the  coun- 
try to  the  Pearl  River.  How  territory  which  had 
thus  been  incorporated  could  still  remain  a  subject 
of  fair  negotiation  does  not  clearly  appear,  except 
on  the  supposition  that  S'^ain  would  go  through 
the  forms  of  a  negotiation  which  could  have  but 
one  outcome. 

The  enemies  of  the  Administration  seized  eager- 
ly upon  the  flaws  in  the  President's  logic,  and 
pressed  his  defenders  sorely  in  the  closing  session  of 
the  Eleventh  Congress.  Conspicuous  among  the 
champions  of  the  Administration  was  young  Henry 
Clay,  then  serving  out  the  term  of  Senator  Thurs- 
ton of  Kentucky  who  had  resigned  his  oflace.   This 


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196  JEFFLRSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
eloquent  your  Juwyer,  now  in  his  thirty-third 
year,  had  h  .,orn  and  bred  in  the  Old  Dominion 
—  a  typichi  inslancf  of  the  Amorican  boy  who  had 
nothing  but  his  own  head  and  hands  wherewith  to 
make  his  way  in  the  world.  He  had  a  slender 
schooling,  a  much-abbreviated  law  education  in 
a  lawyer's  office,  and  little  enough  of  that  in- 
tellectual  discipline  needed  for  leadership  at  the 
bar;  yet  he  had  a  clever  wit,  an  engaging  per- 
sonality, and  a  rare  facility  in  speaking,  and  he 
capitalized  these  assets.  He  was  practising  law  in 
Lexington,  Kentucky,  when  he  was  appointed  to 
the  Senate. 

What  this  persuasive  Westerner  had  to  say  on 
the  American  title  to  West  Florida  was  neither  new 
nor  convincing;  but  what  he  advocated  as  an 
American  policy  was  both  bold  and  challenging. 
"The  eternal  principles  of  self  preservation"  ji.-ti- 
fied  in  his  mind  the  occupation  of  West  Florida,  ir- 
respective of  any  title.  With  Cuba  and  Florida  in 
the  possession  of  a  foreign  maritime  power,  the  im- 
mense extent  of  country  watered  by  streams  enter- 
ing the  Gulf  would  be  placed  at  the  mercy  of  that 
power.  Neglect  the  proffered  boon  and  some  na- 
tion profiting  by  this  error  would  seize  this  southern 
frontier.   It  had  been  intimated  that  Great  Britain 


THE  WAR-HAWKS  \vt 

might  take  sides  with  Spain  to  resist  the  occupation 
of  Florida.    Tc  this  covert  threat  Chy  replied, 

Sir,  is  the  time  never  to  arrive,  when  we  may  manage 
our  own  affairs  without  the  fear  of  insulting  his  Bri- 
tannic iMajesty?    . .  the  rtxl  of  British  power  to  be  for- 
ever  suspended  over  our  heads?    Does  the  President 
refuse  to  continue  a  correspondence  with  a  minister, 
who  violates  the  decorum  belonging  to  his  diplomatic 
character,  by  giving  and  deliberately  repeating  an 
affront  to  the  whole  nation?    We  are  instantly  men- 
aced with  the  chastisement  which  English  pride  will 
not  fail  to  inflict.    Whether  we  assert  our  rights  by  sea, 
or  attempt  their  maintenance  by  land  —  whitherso- 
vver  we  turn  ourselves,  this  phantom  incessantly  pur- 
sues us.    Already  has  it  had  too  much  influence  on  the 
councils  of  the  nation.    It  contributed  to  the  repeal  of 
the  embargo  —  that  dishonorable  repeal,  which  has  so 
much  tarnished  the  character  of  our  government. 
Mr.  President,  I  have  before  said  on  this  floor,  and  now 
take  occasion  to  remark,  that  I  most  sincerely  desire 
peace  and  amity  with  Englant^;  that  I  ovon  prefer  an 
adjustment  of  all  differences  with  her,  before  one  with 
any  other  nation.    But  if  she  persists  in  n  denial  of 
justice  to  us,  or  if  she  avails  herself  of  the  occupation  of 
West  Florida,  to  commence  war  upon  us,  I  trust  and 
hope  that  all  hearts  will  unite,  in  a  bold  and  vigorous 
vindication  of  our  rights. 

I  am  not,  sir,  in  favour  of  cherishing  the  passion  of 
conquest.  But  I  must  be  permitted,  in  conclusion,  to 
indulge  the  hope  of  seeing,  ere  long,  the  new  United 
States  (if  you  will  allow  me  the  expression)  embracing. 


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IftS   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

not  only  the  old  thirteen  States,  but  the  entire  country 
east  of  the  Mississippi,  including  East  Florida,  and 
some  of  the  territories  of  the  north  of  us  also. 

Conquest  was  not  a  familiar  word  in  the  vocabu- 
lary of  James  Madison,  and  he  may  well  have  prayed 
to  be  delivered  from  the  hands  of  his  friends,  if 
this  was  to  be  the  keynote  of  their  defense  of  his 
policy  in  West  Florida.  Nevertheless,  he  was  im- 
pelled in  spite  of  himself  in  the  direction  of  Clay's 
vision.  If  West  Florida  in  the  hands  of  an  unfriend- 
':  power  was  a  menace  to  the  southern  frontier, 
Last  Florida  from  the  Perdido  to  the  ocean  was 
not  less  so.  By  the  3d  of  January,  1811,  he  was 
prepared  to  recommend  secretly  to  Congress  that 
he  should  be  authorized  to  take  temporary  pos- 
session of  East  Florida,  in  case  the  local  authori- 
ties should  consent  or  a  foreign  power  should  at- 
tempt to  occupy  it.  And  Congress  came  promptly 
to  his  aid  with  the  desired  authorization. 

Twelve  months  had  now  passed  since  the  people 
of  the  several  States  had  expressed  a  judgment  at 
the  polls  by  electing  a  new  Congress.  The  Twelfth 
Congress  was  indeed  new  in  more  senses  than  one. 
Some  seventy  representatives  took  their  seats  for 
the  first  cime,  and  fully  half  of  the  familiar  faces 


THE  WAR-HAWKS  199 

were  missing.   Its  first  and  most  significant  act.  be- 
traymg  a  new  spirit,  was  the  choice  as  Speaker  of 
Henry  Clay,  who  had  exchanged  his  seat  in  the 
Senate  for  the  more  stir-iug  .r.nu  of  the  House 
In  all  the  history  of  the  House  tl^er,   is  only  one 
other  instance  of  the  ch.,ix.  of  a  nev  member  as 
Speaker.    It  was  not  merely  a  personal  tribute  to 
Clay  but  an  endorsement  of  the  forward-looking 
policy  which  he  had  so  vigorously  championed  in 
the  Senate.   The  temper  of  the  House  was  bold  and 
aggressive,  and  it  saw  its  mood  reflected  in  the 
mobile  face  of  the  young  Kentuckian. 

The  Speaker  of  the  House  had  hitherto  followed 
Enghsh  traditions,  choosing  rather  to  stand  as  an 
impartial  moderator  than  to  act  as  a  legislative 
leader.   For  British  traditions  of  any  sort  Clay  had 
little  respect.    He  was  resolved  to  be  the  leader  of 
the  House,  and  if  necessary  to  join  his  privileges  as 
Speaker  to  his  rights  as  a  member,  in  order  to  shape 
the  policies  of  Congress.    Almost  his  first  act  as 
Speaker  was  to  appoint  to  important  committees 
those  who  shared  his  impatience  with  commercial 
restrictions  as  a  means  of  coercing  Great  Britain. 
On  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  -  second 
to  none  in  importance  at  this  moment  —  he  placed 
Peter  B.  Porter  of  New  York,  yomig  John  C 


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200   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

Calhoun  of  South  Carolina,  and  Felix  Grundy  of 
Tennessee;  the  chairmanship  of  the  Committee  on 
Naval  AflFairs  he  gave  to  Langdon  Cheves  of 
South  Carolina;  and  the  chairmanship  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Military  Affairs,  to  another  South  Caro- 
linian, David  Williams.  There  was  nothing  fortui- 
tous in  this  selection  of  representatives  from  the 
South  and  Southwest  for  important  committee 
posts.  Like  Clay  himself,  these  young  intrepid 
spirits  were  solicitous  about  the  southern  frontier 
—  about  the  ultimate  disposal  of  the  Floridas;  like 
Clay,  they  had  lost  faith  in  temporizing  policies; 
like  Clay,  they  were  prepared  for  battle  with  the 
old  adversary  if  necessary. 

In  the  President's  message  of  November  5, 1811, 
there  was  just  one  passage  which  suited  the  mood 
of  this  group  of  younger  Republicans.  After  a  re- 
cital of  injuries  at  the  hands  of  the  British  minis- 
try, Madison  wrote  with  unwonted  vigor:  "With 
this  evidence  of  hostile  inflexibility  in  trampling  on 
rights  which  no  independent  nation  can  relinquish 
Congress  will  feel  the  duty  of  putting  the  United 
States  into  an  armor  and  an  attitude  demanded 
by  the  crisis;  and  corresponding  with  the  national 
spirit  and  expectations."  It  was  this  part  of  the 
message  which  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations 


THE  WAR-HAWKS  201 

took  for  the  text  of  its  report.  The  time  had 
arrived,  in  the  opinion  of  the  committee,  when  for- 
bearance ceased  to  be  a  virtue  and  when  Congress 
must  as  a  sacred  duty  "call  forth  the  patriotism 
and  resources  of  the  country."  Nor  did  the  com- 
mittee hesitate  to  point  out  the  immediate  steps  to 
be  taken  if  the  country  were  to  be  put  into  a  state 
of  preparedness.  Let  the  ranks  of  the  regular  army 
be  filled  and  ten  regiments  added;  let  the  President 
call  for  fifty  thousand  volunteers;  let  all  available 
war-vessels  be  put  in  commission;  and  let  merchant 
vessels  arm  in  their  own  defense. 

If  these  recommendations  were  translated  into 
acts,  they  would  carry  the  country  appreciably 
nearer  war;  but  the  members  of  the  committee 
were  not  inclined  to  shrink  from  the  consequences. 
To  a  man  they  agreed  *hat  war  was  preferable  to 
inglorious  submission  ntinued  outrages,  and 

that  the  outcome  of  wa  .,ouId  be  positively  advan- 
tageous. Porter,  who  represented  the  westernmost 
district  of  d  State  profoundly  interested  in  the 
northern  frontier,  doubted  not  that  Great  Britain 
could  be  despoiled  of  her  extensive  provinces  along 
the  borders  to  the  North.  Grundy,  speaking  for 
the  Southwest,  contemp.  ..ed  with  satisfaction  the 
time  when  the  British  would  be  driven  from  the 


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«02   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

continent.  "I  feel  anxious,"  he  concluded,  "not 
only  to  add  the  Floridas  to  the  South,  but  the  Can- 
adas  to  the  North  of  this  Empire."  Others,  like 
Calhoun,  vho  now  made  his  entrance  as  a  debater, 
refused  to  entertain  these  mercenary  calculations. 
"Sir,"  exclaimed  Calhoun,  his  deep-set  eyes  flash- 
ing, "  I  only  know  of  one  principle  to  make  a  nation 
great,  to  produce  in  this  country  not  the  form  but 
the  real  spirit  of  union,  and  that  is,  to  protect  every 
citizen  in  the  lawful  pursuit  of  his  business.  .  .  . 
Protection  and  patriotism  are  reciprocal." 

But  these  young  Republicans  marched  fastci- 
than  the  rank  and  file.  Not  so  lightly  were  Jeffer- 
sonian  traditions  to  be  thrown  aside.  The  old  Re- 
publican prejudice  against  standing  armies  and  sea- 
going navies  still  survived.  Four  weary  months  of 
discussion  produced  only  two  measures  of  military 
imp'>n9nce,  one  of  which  provided  for  the  addi- 
tion to  the  army  of  twenty-five  thousand  men  en- 
Hsted  for  five  years,  and  the  other  for  the  call- 
ing into  service  of  fifty  thousand  state  militia. 
The  proposal  of  the  naval  committee  to  appropri- 
ate seven  and  a  half  million  dollars  to  build  a  new 
navy  was  voted  dowr-  Gallatin's  urgent  appeal 
for  new  taxes  fell  upon  deaf  ears;  and  Congress 
proposed  to  meet  the  new  military  expenditure 


THE  WAR-HAWKS  sos 

by  the  dubious  expedient  of  a  loan  of  eleven 
million  dollars. 

A  hesitation  which  seemed  fatal  paralyzed  all 
branches  of  the  Federal  Government  in  the  spring 
months.    Congress  was  obviously  reluctant  to  fol- 
low the  lead  of  the  radicals  who  clamored  for  war 
with  Great  Britain.    The  President  was  unwilling 
to  recommend  a  declaration  of  war,  though  all  evi- 
dence points  to  the  conclusion  that  he  and  his  ad- 
visers believed  war  inevitable.    The  nation  was  di- 
vided m  sentiment,  the  Federalists  insisting  with 
some  plausibility  that  France  was  as  great  an 
offender  as  Great  Britain  and  pointing  to  the  re- 
cent captures  of  American  merchantmen  by  French 
cruisers  as  evidence  that  the  decrees  had  not  been 
repealed.    Even  the  President  was  impressed  by 
these  unfriendly  acts  and  soberly  discussed  with 
his  mentor  at  Monticello  the  possibility  of  war 
with  both  France  and  En;^land.    There  was  a  mo- 
ment in  March,  indeed,  when  he  was  disposed  to 
listen  to  moderate  Republicans  who  advised  him  to 
send  a  special  mission  to  England  as  a  last  chance. 
What  were  the  considerations  which  fixed  the 
mind  of  the  nation  and  of  Congress  upon  war  with 
Great  Britain?     Merely  to  catalogue  the  accu- 
mulated grievances  of  a  decade  does  no'  suffice. 


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804   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
Nations  do  not  arrive  at  decisions  by  mathemati- 
cal computation  of  injuries  received,  but  rather  be- 
cause of  a  sense  of  accumulated  wrongs  which  may 
or  may  not  be  measured  by  losses  in  life  and  prop- 
erty.  And  this  sense  of  wrongs  is  the  more  acute 
in  proportion  to  the  racial  propinquity  of  the  of- 
fender.   The  most  bitter  of  all  feuds  are  those  be- 
tween peoples  of  the  same  blood.    It  was  just  be- 
cause the  mother  country  from  which  Americans 
had  won  their  independence  was  now  denying  the 
fruits  of  that  independence  that  she  became  the 
object  of  attack.    In  two  particulars  was  Great 
Britain  o£Pending  and  France  not.    The  racial  dif- 
ferences between  French  and  American  seamen 
were  too  conspicuous  to  countenance  impressment 
into  the  navy  of  Napoleon.    No  injuries  at  the 
hands  of  France  bore  any  similarity  to  the  Chesa- 
peake outrage.    Nor  did  France  menace  the  fron- 
tier and  the  frontier  folk  of  the  United  States  by 
collusion  with  the  Indian;^. 

To  suppose  that  the  settlers  beyond  the  Alle- 
ghanies  were  eager  to  fight  Great  Britain  solely  for 
"free  trade  and  sailors'  rights"  is  to  assume  a 
stronger  consciousness  of  national  unity  than  ex- 
isted anywhere  in  the  United  States  at  this  time. 
These  western  pioneers  had  stronger  and  more 


THE  WAR-HAWKS  205 

immediate  motives  for  a  reckoning  with  the  old 
adversary.   Their  occupation  of  the  Northwest  had 
been  hindered  at  every  turn  by  the  red  man,  who, 
they  beh'eved,  had  been  sustained  in  his  resistance 
directly  by  British  traders  and  indirectly  by  the 
British  Government.    Documents  now  abundantly 
prove  that  the  suspicion  was  justified.    The  key  to 
the  early  history  of  the  northwestern  frontier  is  the 
fur  trade.    It  was  for  this  lucrative  traffic  that 
England  retained  so  long  the  western  posts  which 
she  had  agreed  to  surrender  by  the  Peace  of  Paris. 
Out  of  the  region  between  the  Illinois,  the  Wabash, 
the  Ohio,  and  Lake  Erie,  pelts  had  been  shipped 
year  after  year  to  the  value  annually  of  some 
£100,000,  in  return  for  the  products  of  British 
looms  and  forges.    It  was  the  constant  aim  of  the 
British  trader  in  the  Northwest  to  secure  "the  ex- 
clusive advantages  of  a  valuable  trade  during 
Peace  and  the  zealous  assistance  of  brave  and  use- 
ful auxiliaries  in  time  of  War."     To  dispossess  the 
redskm  of  his  lands  and  to  wrest  the  fur  trade  from 
British  control  was  the  equally  constant  desire 
of  every  full-blooded  Western  American.     Henry 
Clay  voiced  this  desire  when  he  exclaimed  in  the 
speech  already  quoted,  "The  conquest  of  Canada 
ism  your  power.  .    .    .    Is  it  nothing  to  extinguish 


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206  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
the  torch  that  lights  up  savage  warfare?  Is  it 
nothing  to  acquire  the  entire  fur-trade  connected 
with  that  country,  and  to  destroy  the  tempUtion 
and  opportunity  of  violating  your  revenue  and 
other  laws?"' 

The  Twelfth  Congress  had  met  under  the  shadow 
of  an  impending  catastrophe  in  the  Northwest. 
Reports  from  all  sources  pointed  to  an  Indian  war 
of  considerable  magnitude.     Tecumseh  and  his 
brother  the  Prophet  had  formed  an  Indian  confed- 
eracy which  was  believed  to  embrace  not  merely 
the  tribes  of  the  Northwest  but  also  the  Creeks  and 
Seminoles  of  the  Gulf  region.     Persistent  rumors 
strengthened  long-nourished  suspicions  and  con- 
nected this  Indian  unrest  with  the  British  agents  on 
the  Canadian  border.    In  the  event  of  war,  so  it 
was  said,  the  British  paymasters  would  let  the  red- 
skins loose  to  massacre  helpless  women  and  chil- 
dren.   Old  men  retold  the  outrages  of  these  savage 
fiends  during  the  War  of  Independence. 
On  the  7th  of  November  —  three  days  after  the 

'  A  memorial  of  the  fur  traders  of  Canada  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  for  War  and  Colonies  (1814),  printed  as  Appendix  N  to 
Davidson's  The  North  West  Company,  throws  much  light  on  this 
obscure  feature  of  Western  history.  See  also  an  article  on  "The 
Insurgent-  of  1811,"  in  the  American  Historical  Association 
Report  (1911)  by  D.  R.  Anderson. 


THE  WAR-HAWKS  «07 

assembling  of  Congress  —  Governor  William  Henry 
Harrison  of  the  Indiana  Territory  encountered  the 
Indians  of  Tecumseh's   confederation  at  Tippe- 
canoe and  by  a  coctly  but  decisive  victory  crushed 
the  hopes  of  their  chieftains.    As  the  news  of  these 
events  drifted  into  Washin-ton.  it  colored  percep- 
tibly  the  minds  of  those     ho  doubted  whether 
Great  Britain  or  France  w.  .c  the  greater  offender. 
Grundy,  who  had  seen  three  brothers  killed  by 
Indians  and  his  mother  reduced  from  opulence  to 
poverty  •     «  single  night,  spoke  passionately  of 
that  powec  ^hich  was  taking  every  "opportunity 
of  intriguing  with  our  Indian  neighbors  and  setting 
on  the  ruthless  savages  to  tomahawk  our  women 
and  children."    "War."  he  exclaimed,  "is  not  to 
commence  by  sea  or  land,  it  is  already  begun, 
and  some  of  the  richest  blood  of  our  country  has 
been  shed." 

Still  the  President  hesitated  to  lead.  On  the 
Slst  of  March,  to  be  sure,  he  suffered  Monroe  to  tell 
a  committee  of  the  House  that  he  thought  war 
should  be  declared  before  Congre-:  adjourned  and 
that  he  was  willing  to  recommend  an  embargo 
if  Congress  would  agree;  but  after  an  embargo 
for  ninety  days  had  been  declared  on  the  4th  of 
April,  he  told  the  British  Minister  that  it  was  not, 


J! 


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«08  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
could  not  be  considered,  a  war  meaaure.  He  still 
waited  for  Congress  to  shoulder  the  responsibility 
of  declaring  war.  Why  did  he  hesitate?  Was  he 
aware  of  the  wo'ful  state  of  unpreparedness  every- 
where  apparent  and  was  he  therefore  desirous  of 
delay?  Some  color  is  given  to  this  excuse  by  his 
efforts  to  persuade  Congress  to  create  two  assistant 
secretaryships  of  war.  Or  was  he  conscious  of  his 
own  inability  to  play  the  rOle  of  War-President? 

The  personal  question  which  thrust  itself  upon 
Madison  at  this  time  was.  indeed,   whether  he 
would  have  a  second  term  of  office.    An  old  story 
often  told  by  his  detractors,  recounts  a  dramatic 
incident  which  is  said  to  have  occurred,  just  as  the 
congressionpl  caucus  of  the  party  was  about  to 
meet.    A  ::c.  aaittee  of  Republican  Congressmen 
headed  by  Mr.  Speaker  Clay  waited  upon  the 
President  to  tell  him,  that  if  he  wished  a  renomina- 
tion,  he  must  agree  to  recommend  a  declaration  of 
war.    The  story  has  never  been  corroborated;  and 
the  dramatic  interview  probably  never  occurred; 
yet  the  President  knew,  as  every  one  knew,  that  his 
renommation  was  possible  only  with  the  support  of 
the  war  pa^ty.    When  he  accepted  the  nomination 
from  the  Republican  caucus  on  the  18th  of  May  he 
tacitly  pledged  himself  to  acquiesce  in  the  plans  of 


THE  WAR-HAWKS  «09 

the  war-hawks.  Some  days  later  an  authentic 
interview  did  take  place  between  the  President 
and  a  deputation  of  Congressmen  headed  by  the 
Speaker,  in  the  course  of  which  the  President  was 
assured  of  the  support  of  Congress  if  he  would 
recommend  a  declaration.  Subsequent  events 
point  to  a  complete  understanding. 

Clay  now  used  all  the  latent  powers  of  his  office 
to  aid  the  war  party.    Even  John  Randolph,  ever 
a  thorn  in  the  side  of  the  party,  was  made  to 
wince.    On  the  29th  of  May,  Randolph  undertook 
to  address  the  House  on  the  declaration  of  war 
which,  he  had  been  credibly  informed,  was  immi- 
nent.    He  was  called  to  order  by  a  member  because 
no  motion  was  before  the  House.    He  protested 
that  his  remarks  were  prefatory  to  a  motion.    The 
Speaker  ruled  that  he  must  first  make  a  motion. 
''My  proposition  is," responded  Randolph  sullenly, 
"that  it  -'s  not  expedient  at  this  time  to  resort  to  a 
war  against  Great  Britain."    "Is  the  motion  sec- 
onded?"  asked  the  Speaker.    Randolph  protested 
that  a  second  was  not  needed  and  appealed  from 
the  decision  of  the  chair.    Then,  when  the  House 
sustained  the  Speaker.  Randolph,  having  found  a 
seconder,  once  more  began  to  address  the  House. 
Again  he  was  called  to  order;  the  House  must  first 


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tlO  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
vote  to  consider  the  motion.  Randolph  was  beside 
himself  with  rage.  The  last  vestige  of  liberty  of 
speech  was  vanishing,  he  declared.  But  Clay  was 
imperturbabL-.  The  question  of  consideration  was 
put  and  lost.    Randolph  had  found  his  master. 

On  the  1st  of  June  the  President  sent  to  Con- 
gress what  is  usually  denominated  a  war  message: 
yet  it  contained  no  positive  recommendation  of 
war.  "Congress  must  decide."  said  the  President, 
"whether  the  United  States  shall  continue  passive" 
or  oppose  force  to  force.   Prefaced  to  this  impotent 
conclusion  was  a  long  recital  of  "progressive  usur- 
pations" and  "accumulating  wrongs"  —  a  recital 
which  had  become  so  familiar  in  state  papers  as  al- 
most to  lose  its  power  to  provoke  popular  resent- 
ment.   It  was  signiHcant,  however,  that  the  Presi- 
dent put  in  the  forefront  of  his  catalogue  of  wrongs 
the  impressment  of  American  sailors  on  the  high 
seas.    No  indignity  touched  national  pride  so  keen- 
ly and  none  so  clearly  differentiated  Great  Britain 
from  France  as  the  national  enemy.  Almost  equally 
provocative  was  the  harassing  of  incoming  and  out- 
going vessels  by  British  cruisers  which  hovered  off 
the  coasts  and  even  committed  depredations  within 
the  territorial  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States. 
Pretended  blockades  without  an  adequate  force 


THE  WAR-HAWKS 


81) 


waa  a  third  charge  against  the  British  Ciovernment. 
and  Closely  connected  with  it  that  "sweeping system 
of  blockades,  under  the  name  of  orders-in-council." 
against  which  two  Republican  Administrations  had 
struggled  in  vain. 

There  was  in  the  count  not  an  itrm.  indtwl.  which 
could  not  have  been  chiu-ged  against  Groat  Britain 
in  the  fall  of  1807.  vhen  the  public  clamond  for  war 
after  the  Chesapeake  outrage.  Four  long  years  had 
been  spent  in  testing  the  efficacy  of  commercial  ro- 
strictions,  and  the  country  was  if  anything  less  pre- 
pared  for  the  alternative.  When  President  Madi- 
son  penned  this  message  he  was,  in  fact,  making 
public  avowal  of  the  breakdown  of  a  great  Jeffer- 
sonian  principle.  Peaceful  coercion  was  proved  to 
be  an  idle  dream. 

So  well  advised  was  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Relations  to  which  the  President's  message  was  re- 
ferred that  it  could  present  a  long  report  two  days 
later,  again  reviewing  the  case  against  the  adver- 
sary in  groat  detail.  "The  contest  which  is  now 
forced  on  Ue  United  States,"  it  concluded,  "is  radi- 
cally a  contest  for  their  sovereignty  and  independ- 
ency." There  was  now  no  other  alternative  than 
an  immediate  appeal  to  arms.  On  the  same  day 
Calhoun  introduced  a  bill  declaring  war  against 


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218  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
Great  Britain;  and  on  the  4th  of  June  in  secret  ses- 
sion the  war  party  mustered  by  the  Speaker  bore 
down  all  opposition  and  carried  the  bill  by  a  vote  of 
79  to  49.  On  the  7th  of  June  the  Senate  followed 
the  House  by  the  close  vote  of  19  to  14;  and  on  the 
followinj,  .ay  the  President  promptly  signed  the 
bill  which  marked  the  end  of  an  epoch. 

It  is  one  of  the  bitterest  ironies  in  history  that 
just  twenty-four  hours  before  war  was  declared  at 
Washington,  the  new  Ministry  at  Westminster  an- 
nounced its  intentionof  immediately  suspending  the 
orders-in-council.    Had  Pi-esident  Madison  yielded 
to  those  moderates  who  advised  him  in  April  to  send 
a  minister  to  England,  he  might  have  been  apprized 
of  that  gradual  change  in  public  opinion  which  was 
slowly  undermining  the  authority  of  Spencer  Per- 
ceval's ministry  and  commercial  system.    He  had 
only  to  wait  a  little  longer  to  score  the  greatest  dip- 
lomatic triumph  of  his  generation;  but  fate  willed 
otherwise.   No  ocean  cable  flashed  the  news  of  the 
abrupt  change  which  followed  the  tragic  assassina- 
tion of  Perceval  and  the  formation  of  a  new  minis- 
try.   When  the  slow-moving  packets  brought  the 
tidings,  war  had  begun. 


^'iHif 


«  \    •   •  > 


CHAPTER      I 

PRESIDENT  MADISON   UNDER  FIRE 

The  dire  calamity  which  Jefferson  and  his  col- 
leagues had  for  ten  years  bent  all  their  ener- 
gies  to  avert  had  now  befallen  the  young  Re- 
public    War,  with  all  its  train  of  attendant  evils, 
stalked  upon  the  stage,  and  was  about  to  test  the 
hearts  of  pacifist  and  war-hawk  alike.    But  noth- 
mg  marked  off  the  younger  Republicans  more 
shaiply  from  the  generation  to  which  Jefferson. 
Madison,  and  Gallatin  belonged  than  the  posi- 
tive  relief  with  which  they  hailed  this  break  with 
Jeffersonian  tradition.    This  attitude  was  some- 
thing  quite  different  from  the  usual  intrepidity 
of  youth   in   the  face  of  danger;   it   was   bot- 
tomed  upon  the  conviction  which  Clay  expressed 
when  he  answered  the  question,  "What  are  we  to 
gam  by  the  war?  »  by  saying,  "  What  are  we  not  to 
lose  by  peace?    Commerce,  character,  a  nation's 
best  treasure,  honor!"    Calhoun  had  reached  the 

SIS 


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V 


214   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  C0LLEAGTTT?S 

same  conclusion.    The  restrictive  system  as  a 
means  of  resistance  and  of  obtaining  redress  for 
wrongs,  he  declared  to  be  unsuited  to  the  genius  of 
the  American  people.    It  required  the  most  arbi- 
trary laws;  it  rendered  government  odious;  it  bred 
discontent.    War.  on  the  other  hand,  strengthened 
the  national  character,  fed  the  flame  of  patriot- 
ism, and  perfected  the  organization  of  government. 
"Sir."  he  exclaimed.  "I  would  prefer  a  single  vic- 
tory over  the  enemy  by  sea  or  land  to  all  the  good 
we  shall  ever  derive  from  the  continuation  of  the 
non-importation  act ! "    The  issue  was  thus  square- 
ly faced:  the  alternative  to  peaceable  coerr  n  was 
now  to  be  given  a  trial. 

Scarcely  less  remarkable  was  the  buoyai    .«  frit 
with  which  these  young  Republicans  faced  t.      A- 
gencies  of  war.   Defeat  was  not  to  be  found  in  their 
vocabulary.     Clay  pictured  in  fervent  rhetoric  a 
victorious  army  dictating  the  terms  of  peace  at 
Quebec  or  at  Halifax;  Calhoun  scouted  the  sug- 
gestion of  unpreparedness,  declaring  that  in  four 
weeks  after  the  declaration  of  war  the  whole  of 
Upper  and  part  of  Lower  Canada  would  be  in 
our  possession;  and  even  soberer  patriots  believed 
that  the  conquest  of  Canada  was  only  a  matter 
of  marching  across  the  frontier  to  Montreal  or 


PRESIDENT  MADISON  UNDER  FIRE  215 
Quebec.   But  for  that  matter  older  heads  were  not 
much  wiser  as  prophets  of  military  events.    Even 
Jefferson  assured  the  President  that  he  had  never 
known  a  war  entered  into  under  more  favorable 
auspices,  and  predicted  that  Great  Britain  would 
surely  be  stripped  of  all  her  possessions  on  this  con- 
tment;  while  Monroe  seems  to  have  anticipated  a 
short  decisive  war  terminating  in  a  satisfactory 
accommodation  with  England.    As  for  the  Presi- 
dent,  he  averred  many  years  later  that  while  he 
knew  the  unprepared  state  of  the  country    "he 
esteemed  it  necessary  to  throw  forward  the  flag 
of  the  country,  sure  that  the  people  would  press 
onward  and  defend  it." 

There  is  something  at  once  humorous  and  pa- 
thetic  m  this  self-portrait  of  Madison  throwing  for- 
ward  the  flag  of  his  country  and  summoning  his 
egions  to  follow  on.    Never  was  a  man  called  to 
lead  m  war  who  had  so  little  of  the  martial  in  his 
character,  and  yet  so  earnest  a  purpose  to  rise  to 
the  emergency.    An  observer  describes  him.  the 
day  after  war  was  declared,  "visiting  in  person  - 
a  thing  never  known  before  -  all  the  offices  of  the 
Departments  of  War  and  the  Navy,  stimulating 
everything  in  a  manner  worthy  of  a  littie  com- 
mander-in-chief, with  his  litUe  round  hat  and  huge 


■r] 


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i 


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?  ''^ 


216  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

cockade."  Stimulation  was  certainly  needed  in 
these  two  departments  as  events  proved,  but  at- 
tention to  petty  details  which  should  have  been 
watched  by  subordinates  is  not  the  mark  of  a  great 
commander.  Jefferson  afterward  consoled  Madi- 
son for  the  defeat  of  his  armies  by  writing:  "All 
you  can  do  is  to  order  —  execution  must  depend  on 
others  and  failures  be  imputed  to  them  alone." 
Jefferson  failed  to  perceive  what  Madison  seems 
always  to  have  forgotten,  that  a  commander-in- 
chief  who  appoints  and  may  remove  his  subor- 
dinates can  never  escape  responsibility  for  their 
failures.  The  President's  first  duty  was  not  to 
stimulate  the  performance  of  routine  in  the  depart- 
ments but  to  make  sure  of  the  competence  of  the 
executive  heads  of  those  departments. 

William  Eustis  of  Massachusetts,  Secretary  of 
War,  was  not  without  some  little  military  expe- 
rience, having  served  as  a  surgeon  in  the  Revolu- 
tionary army,  but  he  lacked  every  qualification  for 
the  onerous  task  before  him.  Senator  Crawford  of 
Georgia  wrote  to  Monroe  caustically  that  Eustis 
should  have  been  forming  general  and  compre- 
hensive arrangements  for  the  organization  of  the 
troops  and  for  the  prosecution  of  campaigns,  in- 
stead of  consuming  his  time  reading  advertisements 


PRESIDENT  MADISON  UNDER  FIRE  217 

of  petty  retailing  merchants,  to  find  where  he  couid 
purchase  one  hundred  shoes  or  two  Hundred  hats. 
Of  Paul  Hamilton,  the  Secretary  of  Navy,  even 
less  could  be  expected,  for  he  seems  to  have  had 
absolutely  no  experience  to  qualify  him  for  the  post. 
Senator  Crawford  intimated   that  in  instructing 
his  naval  oflicers  Hamilton  impressed  upon  them 
the  desirability  of  keeping  their  superiors  supplied 
with  pineapples  and  other  tropical  fruits  —an  ill- 
natured  comment  which,  true  or  not,  gives  us  the 
measure  of  the  man.    Both  Monroe  and  Gallatin 
shared  the  prevailing  estimate  of  the  Secretaries 
of  War  and  of  the  Navy  and  expressed  themselves 
without  reserve  to  Jefterson;  but  the  President 
with  characteristic  indecision  hesitated  to  purge  his 
Cabinet  of  these  two  incompetents,  and  for  his 
want  of  decision  he  paid  dearly. 

The  President  had  just  left  the  Capital  for  his 
country  place  at  Montpelier  toward  the  end  of 
August,  when  the  news  came  that  General  William 
who  had  been  ordered  to  invade  Upper  Can- 
aua  iid  begin  the  military  promenade  to  Que- 
bec, had  surrendered  Detroit  and  his  entire  army 
without  firing  a  gun.  It  was  a  crushing  disaster 
and  a  well-deserved  rebuke  for  the  Administra- 
tion, for  whether  the  fault  was  Hull's  or  Eustis's, 


f 


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t     1 


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Th.^ 


218   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

the  President  had  to  shoulder  the  responsibility. 
His  first  thought  was  to  retrieve  the  defeat  by  com- 
missioning Monroe  to  command  a  fresh  army  for 
the  capture  of  Detroit;  but  this  proposal  which  ap- 
pealed strongly  to  Monroe  had  to  be  put  aside  — 
fortunately  for  all  concerned,  for  Monroe's  desire 
for  military  glory  was  probably  not  equalled  by 
his  capacity  as  a  commander  and  the  western  cam- 
paign proved  incomparably  more  difficult  than 
wiseacres  at  Washington  imagined. 

What  was  needed,  indeed,  was  not  merely  able 
commanders  in  the  field,  though  they  were  difficult 
enough  to  find.  There  was  much  truth  in  JeflFer- 
son's  naive  remark  to  Madison :  "  The  v?reator  has 
not  thought  proper  to  mark  those  on  the  forehead 
who  are  of  the  stuff  to  make  good  generals.  We 
are  first,  therefore,  to  seek  them,  blindfold,  and 
then  let  them  learn  the  trade  at  the  expense  of 
great  losses."  But  neither  seems  to  have  com- 
prehended that  their  opposition  to  military  prepar- 
edness had  caused  this  dearth  of  talent  and  was 
now  forcing  the  Administration  to  select  blindfold. 
More  pressing  even  than  the  need  of  tacticians  was 
the  need  of  organizers  of  victory.  The  utter  fail- 
ure of  the  Niagara  campaign  vacated  the  office  of 
Secretary  of  War;  and  with  Eustis  retired  also  the 


PRESIDENT  MADISON  UNDER  FIRE  219 
Secretary  of  the  Navy.    Monroe  took  over  the 
duties  of  the  one  temporarily,  and  William  Jones, 
a  shipowner  of  Philadelphia,  succeeded  Hamilton. 
If  the  President  seriously  intended  to  make  Mon- 
roe Secretary  of  War  and  the  head  of  the  General 
StaflF,  he  speedily  discovered  that  he  was  powerless 
to  do  so.    The  Republican  leaders  in  New  York 
felt  too  keenly  Josiah  Quincy's  taunt  about  a 
despotic  Cabinet  "composed,  to  all  efficient  pur- 
poses, of  two  Virginians  and  a  foreigner"  to  permit 
Monroe  to  absorb  two  cabinet  posts.    To  appease 
this  jealousy  of  Virginia,  Madison  made  an  ap- 
pointment which  very  nearly  shipwrecked  his  Ad- 
ministration: he  invited  General  John  Armstrong 
of  New  York  to  become  Secretary  of  War.    What- 
ever may  be  said  of  Armstrong's  qualifications 
for  the  post,  his  presence  in  the  Cabinet  was 
most  inadvisable,  for  he  did  not  and  could  not 
inspire  the  personal  confidence  of  either  Gallatin 
or  Monroe.    Once  in  office,  he  turned  Monroe 
into  a  relentless  enemy  and  fairly  drove  Galla- 
tin out  of  office  in  disgust  by  appointing  his 
old  enemy,  William  Duane,  editor  of  the  Aurora, 
to  the  post  of  Adjutant-General.     "And  Arm- 
strong!" —said  Dallas  who  subsequently  as  Sec- 
retary oi  War  knew  whereof  he  spoke  —  "he  was 


i' 


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11, 


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if 


l-i 


880   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

the  devil  from  the  beginning,  is  now,  and  ever 
will  be!" 

The  man  of  clearest  vision  in  these  unhappy 
months  of  1812  was  undoubtedly  Albert  Gallatin. 
The  defects  of  Madison  as  a  War-President  he  had 
long  foreseen;  the  need  of  reorganizing  the  Execu- 
tive Departments  he  had  pointed  out  as  soon  as 
war  became  inevitable;  and  the  problem  of  financ- 
ing the  war  he  had  attacked  farsightedly,  fear- 
lessly, and  without  regard  to  political  consistency. 
No  one  watched  the  approach  of  hostilities  with  a 
bitterer  sense  of  blasted  hopes.    For  ten  years  he 
had  labored  to  limit  expenditures,  sacrificing  even 
the  military  and  naval  establishments,  that  the 
people  might  be  spared  the  burden  of  needless 
taxes;  and  within  this  decade  he  had  also  scaled 
down  the  national  debt  one-half,  so  that  posterity 
might  not  be  saddled  with  burdens  not  of  its  own 
choosing.    And  now  war  threatened  to  undo  his 
work.   The  young  republic  was  after  all  not  to  lead 
its  own  life,  realize  a  unique  destiny,  but  to  tread 
the  old  well-worn  path  of  war,  armaments,  and 
high-handed  government.     Well,  he  would  save 
what  he  could,  do  his  best  to  avert  "perpetual 
taxation,  military  establishments,  and  other  cor- 
rupting or  anti-republican  habits  or  institutions." 


PRESIDENT  MADISON  UNDER  FIRE  Wl 

If  Gallatin  at  first  underrated  the  probable 
revenue  for  war  purposes,  he  speedily  confessed  his 
error  and  set  before  Congress  inexorably  the  neces- 
sity for  new  taxes  —  aye,  even  for  an  internal  tax, 
which  he  had  once  denounced  as  loudly  as  any 
Republican.  For  more  tuan  a  year  after  the  decla- 
ration of  war,  Congress  was  deaf  to  picas  for  new 
sources  of  revenue;  and  it  was  not,  indeed,  until  the 
last  year  of  the  war  that  it  voted  the  taxes  which  in 
the  long  run  could  alone  support  the  public  credit. 
Meantime,  facing  a  depleted  Treasury,  Gallatin 
found  himself  reduced  to  a  mere  "dealer  of  loans" 

—  a  position  utterly  abhorrent  to  him.  Even  his 
efforts  to  place  the  loans  which  Congress  authorized 
must  have  failed  but  for  the  timely  aid  of  three  men 
whom  Quincy  would  have  contemptuously  termed 
foreigners,  for  all  like  Gallatin  were  foreign-bom 

—  Astor,  Girard,  and  Parish.  Utterly  weary  of  his 
thankless  job,  Gallatin  seized  upon  the  opportunity 
afforded  by  the  Russian  offer  of  mediation  to  leave 
the  Cabinet  and  perhaps  to  end  the  war  by  a  diplo- 
matic stroke.  He  asked  and  received  an  appoint- 
ment as  one  of  the  three  American  commissioners. 


1  ;   i 


A 


If  Madison  really  believed  that  the  people  of  the 
United  States  would  unitedly  press  onward  and 


ll 
ill 


in 


9H   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
defend  the  flag  when  once  he  had  thrown  it  for- 
ward, he  must  have  been  strangely  insensitive  to  the 
disaffection  in  New  England.    Perhaps,  Uke  Jeffer- 
son  in  the  days  of  the  embargo,  he  mistook  the 
spirit  of  this  opposiUon,  thinking  that  it  was  largely 
partisan  clamor  which  could  safely  be  disregarded. 
What  neither  of  these  Virginians  appreciated  was 
the  peculiar  fanatical  and  sectional  character  of 
this  Federalist  opposition,  and  the  extremes  to 
which  it  would  go.    Yet  abundant  evidence  lay 
before  their  eyes.    Thirty-four  Federalist  membei-s 
of  the  House,  nearly  all  from  New  England,  issued 
an  address  to  their  constituents  bitterly  arraigning 
the  Administration  and  deploring  the  declaration 
of  war;  the  House  of  Representatives  of  Massachu- 
setts, following  this  example,  published  another  ad- 
dress, denouncing  the  war  as  a  wanton  sacrifice  of 
the  best  interests  of  the  people  and  imploring  all 
good  citizens  to  meet  in  town  and  county  asse  r 
blies  to  protest  and  to  resolve  not  to  volunteer    ;- 
cept  for  a  defensive  war;  and  a  meeting  of  citizens 
of  Rockingham  County,  New  Hampshire,  adopted 
a  memorial  drafted  by  young  Daniel  Webster, 
which  hinted  that  the  separation  of  the  States 
—  "an  event  fraught  \  ith  incalculable  evils"  — 
might  sometime  occur  on  just  such  an  occasion  as 


PRESIDENT  MADISON  UNDER  FIRE  H$ 

this.  Town  after  town,  and  counly  after  county, 
took  up  the  hue  and  cry,  keeping  well  within  the 
hmits  of  consUtuUonal  opposition,  it  is  true,  but 
weakening  the  arm  of  the  Government  just  when 
it  should  have  struck  the  enemy  effective  blows. 

Nor  was  the  President  without  enemies  in  his 
own  political  household.    The  Republicans  of  New 
York,  always  lukewarm  in  their  support  of  the  Vir- 
ginia Dynasty,  were  now  bent  upon  preventing  hia 
reelection.    They  found  a  shrewd  and  not  over- 
scrupulous leader  in  DeWitt  Clinton  and  an  adroit 
campaign  manager  in  Martin  Van  Buren.    Both 
belonged  to  that  school  of  New  York  politicians  of 
which  Burr  had  been  master.    Anything  to  beat 
Madison  was  their  cry.     To  this  end  they  were 
willing  to  condemn  the  war-policy,  to  promise  a 
vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  even  to  nego- 
tiate for  peace.    What  made  this  division  in  the 
ranks  of  the  Republicans  so  serious  was  the  willing- 
ness of  the  New  England  Federalists  to  make  com- 
mon cause  with  Clinton.    In  September  a  conven- 
tion of  FederaUsts  endorsed  his  nominaUon  for 
the  Presidency. 

Under  the  weight  of  accumulating  disasters, 
mihtary  and  political,  it  seemed  as  though  Madi- 
son must  go  down  in  defeat.    Every  New  England 


:|j| 


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■«  .    if 

11, 


1  -  I 


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«4   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

State  but  Vrrmon*  Mst  its  electoral  votes  for  Clin- 
ton; all  the  Midi  '"^  States  but  Pennsylvania  also 
supported  him;  ami  >Iaryland  divided  its  vote. 
Only  the  steadi?  -  .the  Southern  Republicans 
and  of  Pennsylvf  ,  a  -ed  Madison;  a  chjinge  of 
twenty  electon  !  \  <  s  ould  have  ended  the  Vir- 
ginia Dynasty.'  iVo«  u'  least  Madison  must  have 
realized  the  poi  ?i)  n.  'mth  whi'-^  the  Federalists 
were  never  tired  A  i  •per  f :  .  e  iiad  entered  upon 
the  war  as  Presiff(  ,it  oi  .        idod  people. 

Only  a  few  mciths'    \       ionce  wa.s  needed  to 
convince  the  military  autliontios  at  Washington 
that  the  war  musi  be  fought  m?iinly  by  volunteers. 
Every  military  consideration  derived  from  Amer- 
ican history  warned  against  this  policy,  it  is  true, 
but  neither  Congress  nor  the  people  would  enter- 
tain for  an  instant  the  thought  of  conscription. 
Only  with  great  reluctance  and  under  pressure  had 
Congress  voted  to  increase  the  regular  army  and 
to  authorize  the  President  to  raise  fifty  thousand 
volunteers.     The  results  of  this  legislation  were 
disappointing,  not  to  say  humiliating.    The  condi- 
tions of  enlistment  were  not  such  as  to  encour- 
age recruiting;  and  even  when  the  pay  had  been 
increased  and  the  term  of  service  shortened,  few 

'  In  the  electoral  vote  Ma<li.son  received  l«8j  Clinton,  89. 


i1 


PRESIDENT  MADISON  UNDER  FIRE  m 

able-bodied  citueiw  would  respond.  If  any  auch 
desired  to  senv  their  country,  they  enrolk-d  in 
the  State  militia  which  the  President  had  been  uu- 
thonzed  io  call  into  active  service  for  six  months 

In  default  of  a  well-disciplined  regular  army  and 
an  adequate  volunteer  force,  the  Administration 
was  forced  more  and  more  to  depend  upon  suvh 
quotas  of  n.ilitia  as  the  States  would  supply.    How 
precarious  was  the  hold  of  the  national  Govern- 
ment  upon  the  State  forces,  appeared  ia  the  first 
months  of  the  war.    When  called  upon  to  supply 
troops  to  relieve  the  regulars  in  the  coast  drfenses. 
the  governors  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut 
flatly  refused,  holding  that  the  commanders  of  the 
State  militia,  and  not  the  President,  had  the  power 
to  decide  when  exigencies  demanded  the  use  of  the 
militia  in  the  service  of  the  United  States.    In  his 
annual  message  Madison  termed  this  "a  novel  and 
unfortunate  exposition"  of  the  Constitution,  and  he 
pomted  out-  what  indted  was  sufficiently  obvious 
-  that  if  the  authority  of  the  United  States  could  be 
thus  frustrated  during  actual  war.  "they  are  not 
one  nation  for  the  purpose  most  of  all  requiring  it." 
But  what  was  the  President  to  do?    Even  if  he. 
James  Madison,  author  of  the  Virginia  Resolutions 
of  1798.  could  so  forget  his  political  creed  as  to 


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826   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
conceive  of  coercing  a  sovereign  state,  where  was 
the  army  which  would  do  his  bidding?    The  Presi- 
dent was  the  victim  of  his  own  political  theory. 

These  bitter  revelations  of  1812  —  the  disaffec- 
tion of  New  England,  the  incapacity  of  two  of  his 
secretaries,  the  disasters  of  his  staff  officers  on  the 
frontier,  the  slow  recruiting,  the  defiance  of  Massa- 
chusetts and  Connecticut —  almost  crushed  the 
President.   Never  physically  robust,  he  succumbed 
to  an  insidious  intermittent  fever  in  June  and  was 
confined  to  his  bed  for  weeks.    So  serious  was  his 
condition  that  Mrs.  Madison  was  in  despair  and 
scarcely  left  his  side  for  five  long  weeks.    "Even 
now."  she  wrote  to  Mrs.  Gallatin,  at  the  end  of 
July,  "I  watch  over  him  as  I  would  an  infant, 
so  precarious  is  his  convalescence."    The  rumor 
spread  that  he  was  not  likely  to  survive,  and  poli- 
ticians in  Washington  began  to  speculate  on  the 
succession  to  the  Presidency. 

But  now  and  then  a  ray  of  hope  shot  through  the 
gloom  pervading  the  White  House  and  Capitol. 
The  stirring  victory  of  the  Constitution  over  the 
Guerri^re  in  August,  1812,  had  almost  taken  the 
sting  out  of  Hull's  surrender  at  Detroit,  and  other 
victories  at  sea  followed,  glorious  in  the  annals  of 
American  naval  warfare,  though  without  decisive 


_.*ji 


ri 


PRESIDENT  MADISON  UNDER  FIRE  227 
influence  on  the  outcome  of  the  war.  Of  much 
greater  significance  was  Perry's  victory  on  Lake 
Erie  in  September,  1813.  which  opened  the  way  to 
the  invasion  of  Canada.  This  brilliant  combat 
followed  by  the  Battle  of  the  Thames  cheered  the 
n-esident  in  his  slow  convalescence.  Encouraging, 
too,  were  the  exploits  of  American  privateers  in 
British  waters,  but  none  of  these  events  seemed 
likely  to  hasten  the  end  of  the  war.  Great 
Britain  had  abeady  declined  the  Russian  offer 
of  mediation. 

Last  day  but  one  of  the  year  1813  a  British 
schooner,  the  Bramble,  came  into  the  port  of  An- 
napolis bearing  an  important  official  letter  from 
Lord  Castlereagh  to  the  Secretary  of  State.  With 
what  eager  and  anxious  hands  Monroe  broke  the 
seal  of  this  letter  may  be  readily  imagined.    It 
might  contain  assurances  of  a  desire  for  peace;  it 
might  indefinitely  prolong  the  war.    In  truth  the 
letter  pointed  both  ways.     Castlereagh  had  de- 
clmed  to  accept  the  good  offices  of  Russia,  but  he 
was  prepared  to  begin  direct  negotiations  for  peace. 
Meantime  the  war  must  go  on  —  with  the  chances 
favoring  British  arms,  for  the  BramhU  had  also 
brought  the  alarming  news  of  Napoleon's  defeat 
on  the  plains  of  Leipzig.    Now  for  the  first  time 


11 


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J  I 


«!KB1#<     I 


228  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
Great  Britain  could  concentrate  all  her  efforts 
upon  the  campaign  in  North  America.  No  wonder 
the  President  accepted  Castlereagh's  offer  with 
alacrity.  To  the  three  commissioners  sent  to 
Russia,  he  added  Henry  Clay  and  Jonathan  RusseU 
and  bade  them  Godspeed  while  he  nerved  himself 
to  meet  the  crucial  year  of  the  war. 

Had  the  Resident  been  fully  apprized  of  the 
elaborate  plans  of  the  British  War  OflSce,  his  anx- 
ieties would  have  been  multiplied  many  times.   For 
what  resources  had  the  Government  to  meet  inva- 
sion  on  three  frontiers?    The  Treasury  was  again 
depleted;  new  loans  brought  in  insufficient  funds 
to  meet  current  expenses;  recruiting  was  slack  be- 
cause  the  Government  could  not  compete  with  the 
larger  bounties  offered  by  the  States;  by  sum- 
mer  the  number  of  effective  regular  troops  was 
only  twenty-seven  thousand  all  told.    With  this 
slender  force,  supplemented  by  State  levies,  the 
military  authorities  were  asked  to  repel  invasion. 
The  Administration  had  not  yet  drunk  the  bitter 
dregs  of  the  cup  of  humiliation. 

That  some  part  of  the  invading  British  forces 
might  be  detailed  to  attack  the  Capital  was  vague- 
ly  divined  by  the  President  and  his  Cabinet;  but 
no  adequate  measures  had  been  taken  for  the 


PRESIDENT  MADISON  UNDER  FIRE  229 

defense  of  the  city  when,  on  a  fatal  August  day, 
the  British  army  marched  upon  it.    The  humiliat- 
ing story  of  the  battle  of  Bladensburg  has  been  told 
elsewhere.    The  disorganized  mob  which  had  been 
hastily  assembled  to  check  the  advance  of  the  Brit- 
ish was  utterly  routed  almost  under  the  eyes  of  the 
President,  who  with  feelings  not  easily  described 
found  himself  obliged  to  join  the  troops  fleeing 
through  the  city.    No  personal  humiliation  was 
spared  the  President  and  his  family.    Dolly  Madi- 
son, never  once  doubting  that  the  noise  of  battle 
which  reached  the  White  House  meant  an  Amer- 
ican victory,  stayed  calmly  indoors  until  the  rush 
of  troops  warned  her  of  danger.     She  and  her 
friends  were  then  swept  along  in  the  general  rout. 
She  was  forced  to  leave  her  personal  effects  behind, 
but  her  presence  of  miad  saved  one  treasure  in 
the  White  House  —  a  large  portrait  of  General 
Washington   painted   by  Gilbert  Stuart.     That 
priceless  portrait  and  the  plate  were  all  that  sur- 
vived.    The  fleeing  militiamen  had  presence  of 
mind  enough  to  save  a  large  quantity  of  the  wine 
by  drinking  it,  and  what  was  left,  together  with 
the  dinner  on  the  table,  was  consumed  by  Admir- 
al Cockburn  and  his  staff.   By  nightfall  the  White 
House,  the  Treasury,  and  the  War  Office  were  in 


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«S0   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

flames,  and  only  a  severe  thunderstorm  checked 
th«.  conflagration.' 

Heartsick  and   utterly   weary,  the   President 
crossed  the  Potomac  at  about  six  o'clock  in  the 
evening  and  started  westward  in  a  carriage  toward 
Montpelier.   He  had  been  in  the  saddle  since  early 
morning  and  was  nearly  spent.    To  fatigue  was 
added  humiliation,  for  he  was  forced  to  travel  with 
a  crowd  of  embittered  fugiUves  and  sleep  in  a  for- 
lorn house  by  the  wayside.   Next  morning  he  over- 
took Mrs.  Madison  at  an  inn  some  sixteen  miles 
from  the  Capital.   Here  they  passed  another  day  of 
humiliation,  for  refugees  who  had  foUowed  the 
same  line  of  flight  reviled  the  President  for  betray- 
ing  them  and  the  city.   At  midnight,  alarmed  at  a 
report  that  the  British  were  approaching,  the  Presi- 
dent fled  to  another  miserable  refuge  deeper  in  the 
Virginia  woods.    This  fear  of  capture  was  quite 
unfounded,  however,  for  the  British  troops  had 
already  evacuated  the  city  and  were  marching  in 
the  opposite  direction. 

•Before  pauing  judgment  on  the  conduct  of  Britiih  officers 
and  men,  m  the  capital,  the  reader  should  recaU  the  equally  in- 
defensible outrages  committed  by  American  troops  under  General 
Dearborn  in  1818,  when  the  Houses  of  Parliament  and  other 
pubhc  buildings  at  York  (Toronto)  were  pillaged  and  burned. 
»ee  ftjngsford  a  Hutory  of  Canada,  vm,  pp.  25»-81. 


PRESIDENT  iUDISON  UNDER  FIRE  «31 

Two  days  later  the  P«,ide„t  returned  to  the 

eap,UI  to  collect  hia  Cabinet  and  repair  his  shat- 

tered  Government.     He  found  public  sentiment 

llT,u  *''""'''^'"'"''"  'or  having  failed  to 
protect  the  c.ty.  He  had  even  to  fear  personal 
violence,  but  he  remained  "tranquil  as  usual 
though  much  distressed  by  the  dreadful  event 
which  had  taken  place."  He  was  still  mo«  dis- 
tressed,  however,  by  the  insistent  popular  clamor 
for  a  victim  for  punishment.  All  fingers  pointed  at 
Armstrong  as  the  man  responsible  for  the  capture 

but  the  President  in  distress  would  not  hear  of 
resignation     He  would  advise  only  "a  temporary 
retirement    fron.  the  city  to  placate  the  inhabit- 
ants   So  Armstrong  departed,  but  by  the  time  he 
reached  BalUmore  he  realized  the  impossibttity  of 
his  situation  and  sent  his  resignation  to  the  Presi- 
dent.    The  victim  had  been  offered  up.    At  his 
own  request  Monroe  was  now  made  Secretary  of 
War.  though  he  continued  also  to  discharge  the  not 
very  heavy  duties  of  the  State  Department. 

It  was  a  disillusioned  group  of  Congressmen  who 
gathered  in  September.  1814.  in  special  session  at 
the  Presidents  call.  Among  those  who  gazed  sadly 


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888  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

at  the  charred  ruins  of  the  Capitol  were  Calhoun, 
Cheves,  and  Grundy,  whose  voices  had  been  loud 
for  war  and  who  had  pictured  their  armies  over- 
running the  British  possessions.  Clay  was  at  this 
moment  endeavoring  to  avert  a  humiliating  sur- 
render of  American  claims  at  Ghent.  To  the  sting 
of  defeated  hopes  was  added  physical  discomfort. 
The  only  public  building  which  had  escaped  the 
general  conflagration  was  the  Post  and  Patent 
Office.  In  these  cramped  quarters  the  two  houses 
awaited  the  President's  message. 

A  visitor  from  another  planet  would  have  been 
strangely  puzzled  to  make  the  President's  words 
tally  with  the  havoc  wrought  by  the  enemy  on 
every  side.    A  series  of  achievements  had  given 
new  luster  to  the  American  arms; "  the  pride  of  our 
naval  arms  had  been  amply  supported";  the  Amer- 
ican people  had  "rushed  with  enthusiasm  to  the 
scenes  where  danger  and  duty  call."    Not  a  syl- 
lable about  the  disaster  at  Washington!    Not  a 
word  about  the  withdrawal  of  the  Connecticut 
militia  from  national  service,  and  the  refusal  of  the 
Governor  of  Vermont  to  call  out  the  militia  just  at 
the  moment  when  Sir  George  Prevost  began  his  in- 
vasion of  New  York;  not  a  word  about  the  general 
suspension  of  specie  payment  by  all  banks  outside 


PRESIDENT  MADISON  UNDER  FIRE  «S3 

of  New  England;  not  a  word  about  the  failure  of 
the  last  loan  and  the  imminent  bankruptcy  of  the 
Government.  Only  a  single  sentence  betrayed  the 
anxiety  which  was  gnawing  Madison's  heart:  "It  is 
not  to  be  disguised  that  the  situation  of  our  country 
calls  for  its  greatest  efforts."  What  the  situation 
demanded,  he  left  his  secretaries  to  say. 

The  new  Secretary  of  War  seemed  to  be  the  one 
member  of  the  Administration  who  was  prepared 
to  grapple  with  reality  and  who  had  the  courage  of 
his  convictions.    While  Jefferson  was  warning  him 
that  It  was  nonsense  to  talk  about  a  regular  army, 
Monroe  told  Congress  flatly  that  no  reliance  could 
be  placed  in  the  militia  and  that  a  permanent  force 
of  one  hundred  thousand  men  must  be  raised  - 
raised  by  conscription  if  necessary.    Throwing  Vir- 
ginian and  Jeffersonian  principles  to  the  winds,  he 
affirmed  the  constitutional  right  of  Congress  to 
draft  citizens.    The  educational  value  of  war  must 
have  been  very  great  to  bring  Monroe  to  this 
conclusion,  but   Congress   had   not   traveled   so 
far.     One  by  one  Monroe's  alternative  plans  were 
laid  aside;  and  the  country,  like  a  rudderless  ship 
drifted  on. 

An  insuperable  obstacle,  indeed,  prevented  the 
establishment  of  any  efficient  national  army  at  this 


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£84   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

time.   Every  plan  encountered  ultimately  the  inex- 
orable fact  that  the  Treasury  was  practically  emp- 
ty and  the  credit  of  the  Government  gone.    Secre- 
tary Campbell's  report  was  a  confession  of  failure 
to  sustain  public  credit.    Some  seventy-four  mil- 
lions would  be  needed  to  carry  the  existing  civil  and 
military  establishments  for  another  year,  and  of 
this  sum,  vast  indeed  in  those  days,  only  twenty- 
four  millions  were  in  sight.    Where  the  remaining 
fifty  millions  were  to  be  found,  the  Secretary  could 
not  say.     With  this  admission  of  incompetence 
Campbell  resigned  from  office.     On  the  9th  of 
November  his  successor,  A.  J.   Dallas,  notified 
holders  of  govwnment  securities  at  Boston  that 
the  Treasury  could  not  meet  its  obligations. 

It  was  at  thi  crisis,  when  bankruptcy  stared  the 
Government  in  the  face,  that  the  Legislature  of 
Massachusetts  appointed  delegates  to  confer  with 
delegates  from  other  New  England  legislatures  on 
their  common  grievances  and  dangers  and  to  devise 
means  of  security  and  defense.  The  Legislatures  of 
Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  responded  prompt- 
ly by  appointing  delegates  to  meet  at  Hartford 
on  the  15th  of  December;  and  the  proposed  con- 
vention seemed  to  receive  popular  indorsement 
in  the  congressional  elections,  for  with  but  two 


■.'V 


PRESIDENT  MADISON  UNDER  FIRE  «35 
exceptions  all  the  Congressmen  chosen  were  Fed- 
eralists. Hot-heads  were  discussing  without  any 
attempt  at  concealment  the  possibility  of  recon- 
structing the  Federal  Union.  A  new  union  of 
the  good  old  Thirteen  States  on  terms  set  by 
New  England  was  believed  to  be  well  within  the 
bounds  of  possibility.  News-sheets  referred  en- 
thusiastically to  the  erection  of  a  new  Federal 
edifice  which  should  exclude  the  Western  States. 
Little  wonder  that  the  harassed  President  in  dis- 
tant Washington  was  obsessed  with  the  idea  that 
New  England  wu  <  on  the  verge  of  secession. 

William  Wirt  who  visited  Washington  at  this 
time  has  left  a  vivid  picture  of  ruin  and  desolation  : 

I  went  to  look  at  the  ruins  of  the  President's  house. 
The  rooms  which  you  saw  so  richly  furnished,  ex- 
hibited nothing  but  unroofed  naked  walls,  cracked,  de- 
faced, and  blackened  with  fire.  I  cannot  tell  you  what 
I  felt  as  I  walked  amongst  them.  .  .  .  I  called  on  the 
President.  He  looks  miserably  shattered  and  wo- 
begone.  In  short,  he  looked  heartbroken.  His  mind 
is  full  of  the  New  England  sedition.  He  introduced  the 
subject,  and  continued  to  press  it,  —  painful  as  it  ob- 
viously was  to  him.  I  denied  the  probability,  even  the 
possibility  that  the  yeomanry  of  the  North  could  be  in- 
duced to  place  themselves  under  the  power  and  protec- 
tion of  England,  and  diverted  the  conversation  to  an- 
other topic;  but  he  took  the  first  opportunity  to  return 


a 


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nS9  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

to  it  and  convinced  me  that  hii  heart  and  mind  were 
painfully  full  of  the  subject. 

What  added  to  the  R-esident's  misgivings  was 
the  secrecy  in  which  the  members  of  the  Hartford 
Convention  shrouded  their  deliberations.    An  at- 
mosphere of  conspiracy  seemed  to  envelop  all  their 
proceedings.    That  the  "deliverance  of  New  Eng- 
^nd"  was  at  hand  was  loudly  proclaimed  by  the 
Federalist  press.    A  reputable  Boston  news-sheet 
advised  the  President  to  procure  a  faster  horse  than 
he  had  mounted  at  Bladensburg.  if  he  would  escape 
the  swift  vengeance  of  New  England. 
The  report  of  the  Hartford  Convention  seemed 

hardlycommensuratewiththefearsoftbeftesident 
or  with  the  windy  boasts  of  the  Federalist  press   It 
arraigned  the  Administration  in  scathing  language 
to  be  sure,  but  it  did  not  advise  secession.    "The' 
multiplied  abuses  of  bad  administrations"  did  not 
yet  justify  a  severance  of  the  Union,  especially  in  a 
time  of  war.    The  manifest  defects  of  the  Constitu- 
tion were  not  incm-able;  yet  the  infractions  of  the 
Constitution  by  the  National  Government  had 
been  so  deliberate,  dangerous,  and  palpable  as  to 
put  the  liberties  of  the  people  in  jeopardy  and  to 
constrain  the  several  States  to  interpose  their  au- 
thority to  protect  their  citizens.    The  legislatures 


)i 


PRESIDENT  MADISON  UNf -ER  FIRE  «87 

of  the  several  State:,  were  advised  to  adopt  meas- 
ures  to  protect  their  citizens  against  swh  uncon- 
stitutional acta  of  Congresii  as  conscription  and  to 
concert  some  arrangement  with  the  Government 
at  Washington,  whereby  they  jointly  or  M>parately 
might  undertake  their  own  defense,  and  retain  a 
reasonable  share  of  the  proceeds  of  Federal  taxa- 
tion for  that  purpose.  To  remedy  the  defects  of  the 
Constitution  seven  amendments  wer<*  proposed,  all 
of  which  had  their  origin  in  sectional  hostility  to 
the  ascendancy  of  Virginia  and  to  the  growing 
power  of  the  New  West.  The  last  of  these  pro- 
posals was  a  shot  at  Madison  and  Virginia:  "nor 
shaU  the  President  be  elected  from  the  same  State 
two  terms  in  succession."  And  finally,  should 
these  applications  of  the  States  for  permission  to 
arm  in  their  own  defense  be  ignored,  then  and  in 
the  event  that  peace  should  not  be  concluded,  an- 
other convention  should  be  summoned  "with  such 
powers  and  instructions  as  the  exigency  of  a  crisis 
so  momentous  may  requiio." 

Massachusetts,  under  Federalist  control,  acted 
promptly  upon  these  suggestions.  Three  com- 
missioners were  dispatched  to  Washington  to  eflFect 
the  desired  arrangements  for  the  defense  of  the 
State.  The  progress  of  these  "three  ambassadors," 


I 


V 


i 


«S8   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
«a  they  styled  themnelvea.  waa  followed  with  curi- 
<«.ty  If  not  with  apprehension.    In  Federah^t  cir- 
cles  thm  was  a  general  behef  that  an  explosion 
was  at  hand.  A  disaster  at  New  Orleans,  which  was 

force  Madison  to  resign  or  to  conclude  peace.    But 
on  the  road   to  Washington,   the  ambassadors 
learned  to  the.r  surprise  that  General  Andrew 
Jackson  had  dedsively  repuhn^  the  British  before 
New  Orleans,  on  the  8th  of  January,  and  on  reach- 
m  he  CapiUl  they  were  met  by  the  news  that  a 
treaty  of  peace  had  been  signed  at  Ghent.    Their 
cause  was  not  only  discredited  but  made  ridiculous. 
They  and  their  mission  were  forgotten  as  the  ten- 
sion of  war  times  relaxed.    The  Virginia  Dynasty 
was  not  to  end  with  James  Madison. 


>     ! 


I    ' 


CHAPTER  XII 


THe  PEACEMAKERS 


On  a  May  afteraoon  in  tfse  year  1813,  a  little  tbr.'c- 
hundred-ton  ship,  the  Neptune,  put  out  from  New 
Caatle  down  Delaware  Bay.  Before  she-  .-ould 
clear  the  Capes  she  fell  in  with  a  British  friVato. 
one  of  the  blockading  squadron  which  was  .ilready 
drawing  its  fatal  cordon  around  the  seaboird 
States.  The  capUin  of  the  Neptune  boarded  the 
frigate  and  presented  his  passport,  from  which  it 
appeared  that  he  carried  two  distinguished  pas- 
sengers, Albert  Gallatin  and  James  A.  Bayard, 
Envoys  Extraordinary  to  Russia.  The  passport 
duly  visaed,  the  Neptune  resumed  her  course  out 
into  the  open  sea,  by  grace  of  the  British  navy. 

One  of  these  envoys  watched  the  coast  disap- 
pear in  the  haze  of  evening  with  mingled  feelings  of 
regret  and  relief.  For  twelve  weary  years  Gallatin 
had  labored  disinterestedly  for  the  land  of  his 
adoption  and  now  he  was  recrossing  the  ocean  to 


.t 


':fir| 
*    i 


M: 


.ri 


«40   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
the  home  of  his  ancestors  with  the  taunts  of  his 
enemies  ringing  in  his  ears.    Would  the  Federalists 
never  forget  that  he  was  a  "foreigner"?    He  re- 
flected with  a  sad,  ironic  smile  that  as  a  "foreigner 
with  a  French  accent"  he  would  have  distinct  ad- 
vantages in  the  world  of  European  diplomacy  upon 
which  he  was  entering.    He  counted  many  dis- 
tinguished personages  among  his  friends,  from 
Madame  de  Stagl  to  Alexander  Baring  of  the  fa- 
mous  London  banking  house.    Unlike  many  native 
Americans  he  d,d  not  r-^d  to  learn  the  ways  of  Eu- 
ropean courts.  L  ec.  use  he  was  to  the  manner  born : 
he  nad  no  provincial  habits  which  he  must  slough 
off  or  conceal.   Also  he  knew  himself  and  the  happy 
qualities  with  which  Nature  had  endowed  him-- 
patience.  philosophic  composure,  unfailing  good 
humor.    All  these  qualities  were  to  be  laid  under 
heavy  requisition  in  the  work  ahead  of  him 

James  Bayard.  Gallatin's  fellow  passenger,  had 
never  been  taunted  as  a  foreigner,  because  several 
generations  had  intervened  since  the  first  of  his 
family  had  come  to  Ne^  Amsterdam  with  Peter 
Stiiyvesant.  Nothing  but  his  name  could  ever  sug- 
gest that  he  was  not  of  that  stock  commonly  re- 
ferred to  as  native  American.  Bayard  had  gradu- 
ated at  Princeton,  studied  law  in  Philadelphia,  and 


THE  PEACEMAKERS  841 

had  just  opened  a  law  office  in  Wilmington  when 
he  was  elected  to  represent  Delaware  in  Congress. 
As  the  sole  representative  of  his  State  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  and  as  a  Federalist,  he  had  ex- 
erted a  powerful  influence  in  the  disputed  election 
of  1800,  and  he  was  credited  with  having  finally 
made  possible  the  election  of  Jefferson  over  Burr. 
Subsequently  he  was  sent  to  the  Senate,  where  he 
was  serving  when  he  was  asked  by  President  Madi- 
son  to  accompany  Gallatin  on  this  mission  to  the 
court  of  the  Czar.   Granting  that  a  Federalist  must 
be  selected.  Gallatin  could  not  have  found  a  col- 
league more  to  his  liking,  for  Bayard  was  a  good 
companion  and  perhaps  the  least  partisan  of  the 
Federalist  leaders. 

It  was  midsummer  when  the  Neptune  dropped 
anchor  in  the  harbor  of  Kronstadt.  There  Gallatin 
and  Bayard  were  joined  by  John  Quincy  Adams, 
Minister  to  Russia,  who  had  been  appointed  the 
third  member  of  the  commission.  Here  was  a  pure- 
blooded  American  by  all  the  accepted  canons. 
John  Quincy  Adams  was  the  son  of  his  father  and 
gloried  secretly  in  his  lineage:  a  Puritan  of  the  Puri- 
tans in  his  outlook  upon  human  life  and  destiny. 
Something  of  the  rigid  quality  of  rock-bound  New 
England  entered  into  his  composition.    He  was  a 


:! 


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f  I  ut 

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I-  ^ 


yy  > 


242   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
foe  to  all  compromise  —  even  with  hiraaetf ;  to  him 
Duty  was  the  stem  daughter  of  the  voice  of  God, 
who  admonished  him  daily  and  houriy  of  his  obli- 
gations.   No  character  in  American  pvblic  life  has 
unbosomed  himself  so  completely  as  this  son  of 
MassachiMetts  in  the  pages  <rf  his  diary.     There 
are  no  half  tones  in  the  pictures  which  he  has 
c^awn  of  himself,  no  wmsoroe  graces  of  mind  or 
heart,  only  the  rigid  outlines  of  a  soul  buffeted  by 
Destiny.     Galktin  —  the   urbane,   cosmopolitan 
Gallatin  —  must  have  derived  much  quiet  amuse- 
ment from  lu>  association  with  this  robust  New 
Englander  who  took  himself  so  seriously.     Two 
natures  could  not  have  been  more  unlike,  yet  the 
superior  flexibility  of  Gallatin's  temperament  made 
their  association  not  only  possible  but  exceeding- 
ly profitable.     We  may  not  call  their  intimacy 
a  friendship  —  Adams  had  few,  if  any  friend- 
ships; but  it  contained  the  essential  foundation  for 
friendship  —  complete  mutual  confidence. 

Adams  brought  disheartening  news  to  the  travel- 
weary  passengers  on  the  Neptune:  England  had  de- 
clined the  offer  of  mediation.  Yes;  he  had  the 
information  from  the  lips  of  Count  Roumanzoff, 
the  Chancellor  and  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 
Apparently,  said  Adams  with  pursed  lips,  England 


THE  PEACEMAKERS  «4S 

regarded  the  differences  with  America  as  a  sort  of 
family  quarrel  in  which  it  would  not  allow  an  out- 
side neutral  nation  to  interfere.  Roumanzoff,  how- 
ever, had  renewed  the  offer  of  mediation.  What 
the  motives  of  the  Count  were,  he  would  not  pre- 
sume to  say :  Russian  diplomacy  was  unfathomable. 

The  American  commissioners  were  in  a  most  em- 
barrassing position.  Courtesy  required  that  they 
should  make  no  move  until  they  knew  what  re- 
sponse the  second  offer  of  mediation  would  evoke. 
The  Czar  was  their  only  friend  in  all  Europe,  so  far 
as  they  knew,  and  they  were  none  too  sure  of  him. 
They  were  condemned  to  anxious  inactivity,  while 
in  middle  Europe  the  fortunes  of  the  Czar  rose  and 
fell.  In  August  the  combined  armies  of  Russia, 
Austria,  and  Prussia  were  beaten  by  the  fresh  levies 
of  Napoleon;  in  September,  the  fighting  favored  the 
allies;  in  October,  Napoleon  was  brought  to  bay  on 
the  plains  of  Leipzig.  Yet  the  imminent  fall  of  the 
Napoleonic  Empire  only  deepened  the  anxiety  of 
the  forlorn  American  envoys,  for  it  was  likely 
to  multiply  the  difficulties  of  securing  reasonable 
terms  from  his  conqueror. 

At  the  same  time  with  news  of  the  Battle  of 
Leipzig  came  letters  from  home  which  informed 
Gallatin  that  his  nomination  as  envoy  had  been 


►  ■ 


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«44   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

rejected  by  the  Senate.     This  was  the  kst  straw. 

To  remain  inactive  as  an  envoy  was  bad  enough; 

to  stay  on  unaccredited  seemed  impossible.    He 

determined  to  take  advantage  of  a  hint  dropped  by 

his  friend  Baring  that  the  British  Ministry,  while 

declining  mediation,  was  not  unwilling  to  treat 

directly  with  the  American  commissioners.     He 

would  go  to  London  in  an  unofficial  capacity  and 

smooth  the  way  to  negotiations.    But  Adams  and 

Bayard  demurred  and  persuaded  him  to  defer  his 

departure.    A  month  later  came  assurances  that 

Lord  Castlereagh  had  oflFered  to  negotiate  with  the 

Americans  either  at  London  or  at  Gothenburg. 

Late  in  January,  1814,  Gallatin  and  Bayard  set 
oflF  for  Amsterdam:  the  one  to  bide  his  chance  to 
visit  London,  the  other  to  await  further  instruc- 
tions. There  they  learned  that  in  response  to 
Castlereagh's  overtures,  the  President  had  ap- 
pointed a  new  commission,  on  which  Gallatin's 
name  did  not  appear.  Notwithstanding  this  disap- 
pointment, Gallatin  secured  the  desired  permission 
to  visit  London  through  the  friendly  offices  of  Alex- 
ander Baring.  Hardly  had  the  Americans  estab- 
lished themselves  in  London  when  word  came  that 
the  two  new  commissioners,  Henry  Clay  and  Jona- 
than Russell,  had  landed  at  Gothenburg  bearing  a 


THE  PEACEMAKERS  245 

commission  for  Gallatin.  It  seems  that  Gallatin 
was  believed  to  be  on  his  way  home  and  had  there- 
fore been  left  off  the  commission;  on  learning  of  his 
whereabouts,  the  President  had  immediately  added 
his  name.  So  it  happened  that  Gallatin  stood  last 
on  the  list  when  every  consideration  dictated  his 
choice  as  head  of  the  commission.  The  incident 
illustrates  the  difficulties  that  beset  communica- 
tion one  hundred  years  ago.  Diplomacy  was  a 
game  of  chance  in  which  wind  and  waves  often 
turned  the  score.  Here  were  five  American  envoys 
duly  accredited,  one  keeping  his  stern  vigil  in 
Russia,  two  on  the  coast  of  Sweden,  and  two  in 
hostile  London.  Where  would  they  meet?  With 
whom  were  they  to  negotiate.' 

After  vexatious  delays  Ghent  was  fixed  upon  as 
the  place  where  peace  negotiations  should  begin, 
and  there  the  Americans  rendezvoused  during  the 
first  week  in  July.  Further  delay  followed,  for  in 
spite  of  the  assurances  of  Lord  Castlereagh  the 
British  representatives  did  not  make  their  appear- 
ance for  a  month.  Meantime  the  American  com- 
missioners made  themselves  at  home  among  the  hos- 
pitable Flemish  townspeople,  with  whom  they  be- 
came prime  favorites.  In  the  concert  halls  they  were 
always  greeted  with  enthusiasm.     The  musicians 


I 


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.1 '^ 


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ll  -^ 


«46   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
soon  discovered  that  British  tunes  were  not  in 
favor  and  endeavored  to  leam  some  American 
au^.   Had  the  Americans  no  naUonal  airs  of  their 
own.  they  asketl.     "Oh,  yes!"  they  were  assured. 
"There  was  Hail  Columina."    Would  not  one  of 
the  gentlemen  begoodenoughtoplay  orsingit?  a. 
embarrassing  request,  for  musical  talent  was  not 
conspicuous  in  the  delegation;  but  Peter,  Gallatin's 
black  servant,  rose  to  the  occasion.     He  whistled 
the  air;  and  then  one  of  the  attaches  scraped  out 
the  melody  on  a  fiddle,  so  that  the  quick-witted  or- 
chestra  speedily  composed  Pair  national  des  Amir- 
icains  d  grand  orchestre,  and  thereafter  always  played 
it  as  a  counterbalance  to  God  save  the  King. 

The  diversions  of  Ghent,  however,  were  not 
numerous,  and  time  hung  heavy  on  the  hands  of 
the  Americans  while  they  waited  for  the  British 
commissioners.      "We   dine   together   at   four," 
Adams  records,  "and  sit  usually  at  table  until  six. 
Wc  then  disperse  to  our  several  amusements  and 
avocations."  Clay  preferred  cards  or  billiards  and 
the  mild  excitement  of  rather  high  stakes.   GaUatin 
and  his  young  son  James  preferred  the  theater; 
and  all  but  Adams  became  intimately  acquainted 
with  the  members  of  a  French  troupe  of  players 
whom  Adams  describes  as  the  worst  he  ever  saw. 


THE  PEACEMAKERS  847 

As  for  Adams  himself,  his  diversion  was  a  solitary 
walk  of  two  or  three  hours,  and  then  to  bed. 

On  the  6th  of  August  the  British  commissioners 
arrived  in  Ghent  —  Admiral  Lord  Gambler.  Henry 
Goulburn,  Esq.,  and  Dr.  William  Adams.    They 
were  not  an  impressive  trio.    Gambler  was  an  el- 
derly man  whom  a  writer  in  the  Morning  Chronirle 
described  as  a  man  "who  slumbered  for  some  time 
as  a  Junior  Lord  of  Admiralty;  who  sung  psalms, 
said  prayers,  and  assisted  in  the  burning  of  Copen- 
hagen, for  which  he  was  made  a  lord."     Goulburn 
was  a  young  man  who  had  served  as  an  under- 
secretary of  state.    Adams  was  a  doctor  of  laws 
who  was  expected  perhaps  to  assist  negotiations 
by  his  legal  lore.    Gallatin  described  them  not 
unfairly  as  "men  who  have  not  made  any  mark 
puppets  of  Lords  Castlereagh  and  Liv<'r- 
pool."     Perhaps,  in  justification  of  this  choice  of 
representatives,  it  should  be  said  that  the  best 
diplomatic  talent  had  been  drafted  into  service  at 
Vienna  and  that  the  British  Ministry  expected  in 
this  smaller  conference  to  keep  the  threads  of 
diplomacy  in  its  own  hands. 

The  first  meeting  of  the  negotiators  was  amica- 
ble enough.    The  Americans  found  their  opponents 


\n 


lit 

I' 


\l\ 


f  t 


f  m 


248   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
courteous  and  well-bred;  and  both  sides  evinced 
a  desire  to  avoid  in  word  and  manner,  as  Bayard 
put  it,  "everything  of  an  inHammable  nature." 
Throughout  this  memorable  meeting  at  Ghent, 
indeed,  even  when  diflScult  situations  arose  and 
nerves  became  taut,  personal  relations  continued 
friendly.    "We  still  keep  prrsonully  upon  eating 
and  drinking  terms  with   them,"  Adams  wrote 
at  a  tense  moment.     Speaking  for  his  superiors 
and  his  colleigues.  Admiral  Gambier  assured  the 
Americans  of  their  earnest  desire  to  end  hostili- 
ties on  terms  honorable  to  both  parties.    Adams 
replied  that  he  and  his  associates  reciprocated  this 
sentiment.    And  then,  without  further  formalities. 
Goulbum  stated  in  blunt  and  business-like  fashion 
the  matters  on  which  they  had  been  instructed: 
impressment,  fisheries,  boundaries,  the  pacification 
of  the  Indians,  and  the  demarkation  of  an  Indian 
territory.    The  last  w^as  to  be  regarded  as  a  xine 
qua  non  for  the  conclusion  of  any  treaty.    Would 
the  Americans  be  good  enough  to  state  the  purport 
of  their  instructions? 

The  American  commissioners  seem  to  have  been 
startled  out  of  their  composure  by  this  nne  qua 
non.  They  had  no  instructions  on  this  latter  point 
nor  on  the  fisheries;  they  could  only  ask  for  a  more 


s     I 


THE  PEACEMAKERS  441) 

specific  statement.  What  had  His  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment in  miml  when  it  referred  to  un  Indian  ter- 
ritory? With  evident  reluctance  the  British  com- 
missioners admitted  that  the  proposed  Indian 
territory  was  to  serve  as  a  buffer  state  In'tween  the 
United  States  and  Canada.  Pressed  for  more  de- 
tails, they  intimated  that  this  area  thus  neutralized 
might  include  the  entire  Northwest. 

A  second  conference  only  served  to  show  the 
want  of  any  common  basis  for  negotiation.  The 
Americans  had  come  to  Ghent  to  settle  two  out- 
standing problems  —  blockades  and  indemnities  for 
attacks  on  neutral  commerce  —  and  to  insist  on  the 
abandonment  of  impressments  as  a  sine  qua  non. 
Both  commissions  then  agreed  to  appeal  to  their 
respective  Governments  for  further  instructions. 
Within  a  week,  Lord  Castlereagh  sent  precise  in- 
structions which  confirmed  the  worst  fears  of  the 
Americans.  The  Indian  boundary  line  was  to  fol- 
low the  line  of  the  Treaty  of  Greenville  and  l>eyond 
it  neither  nation  was  to  acquire  land.  The  United 
States  was  asked,  in  short,  to  set  apart  for  the  In- 
dians in  perpetuity  an  area  which  comprised  the 
present  States  of  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  and  IHinois, 
four-fifths  of  Indiana,  and  a  third  of  Ohio.  But, 
remonstrated  Gallatin,  this  area  included  States 


Ij 


'! 


!i 


If»^: 


.n. 


I 


■r 


I- 


MO  J£FFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
and  Territories  settled  by  more  than  a  hundred 
thousand  Americun  citizens.    What  was  to  br  done 
with  them?    "They  must  look  after  themselves," 
was  the  blunt  answer. 

In  compari-son  with  this  astounding,'  proposal, 
Lord  Castiereagh's  further  suggestion  of  a  "recti- 
fication" of  the  frontier  by  the  r  cssion  of  Fort  Niag- 
ara and  Sack(  Ifs  Harbor  and  by  the  .  .elusion  of 
the  Americans  from  the  Lakes,  seenitJ  of  little 
importance.    The  purpose  of  His  Majesty's  Gov- 
ernment, the  commissioners  hastened  to  add,  wa^i 
not  aggrandizement  but  the   protection  of  the 
North  American  provinces.   In  view  of  the  avowed 
aim  of  the  United  States  to  conquer  Canada,  the 
control  of  the  Lakes  must  rest  with  Great  Britain. 
Indeed,  taking  the  weakness  of  Canada  into  ac- 
count. His  Majesty's  Government  might  have  rea- 
sonably demanded  the  cession  of  the  lands  ad- 
jacent tv  the  Lakes;  and  should  these  moderate 
terms  not  be  accepted.  His  Majesty's  Govern- 
ment would  feel  itself  at  liberty  to  enlarge  its 
demands,  if  the  war  continued  to  favor  British 
arms.    The  American  commissioners  asked  if  these 
proposals  relatmg  to  the  control  of  the  Lakes 
were  also  a  sine  qua  non.     "We  have  given  you 
one  sine  qua  non  ah-eady,"  was  the  reply,  "and 


N« 


THE  PEACEMAKERS  Ul 

we  should  suppoM  one  rine  qua  non  at  a  time 
was  enough." 

The  Americans  returned  to  their  hotel  of  one 
mind:  they  could  view  the  proposals  just  made  in 
no  other  light  than  as  a  delil)erate  attempt  to  dis- 
member the  Unit«*d  States.  They  could  differ  only 
as  to  the  form  in  which  they  should  couch  their 
positive  rejection.  As  titular  head  of  the  coinniis- 
sion.  Adams  set  promptly  to  work  uiMjn  a  draft  of 
an  answer  which  he  soon  set  before  his  colleagues. 
At  once  all  appearance  of  unanim ity  vanished .  To 
the  enemy  lliey  could  present  a  united  front;  in  the 
privacy  of  their  apartment,  they  were  five  head- 
strong men.  They  promptly  fell  upon  Adams's 
draft  tooth  and  nail.  Adams  described  the  scene 
with  pardonable  resentment : 

Mr.  Gallatin  if«  for  striking  out  any  expre.4.sion  that 
may  be  offensive  to  the  feelings  of  the  adverse  party. 
Mr.  Clay  is  displeased  with  fipurative  language,  which 
he  thinks  improper  for  a  state  paper.  Mr.  Russell, 
agreeing  in  the  objections  of  the  two  other  gentlemen, 
will  be  further  for  amending  the  construction  of  every 
sentence;  and  Mr.  Bayard,  even  when  agreeing  to  say 
precisely  the  same  thing,  chooses  to  say  it  only  in  his 
own  language. 

Sharp  encounters  took  place  between  Adams  and 
Clay.    "You  dare  not,"  shouted  Clay  in  a  passion 


I 


a 


»  J- 


MlCtOCOrV   RESdUTION   TKT   CHART 

(ANSI  and  ISO  TEST  CHART  No.  2) 


^  dSJiDjfvHGEl 

^^j  1653   EasI   Main   Streel 

r^=  Rochester.    Ne«   York        14509       us* 

"-^  <"  6)   ♦82  -  0300  -  Phone  ^ 

S^B  (716)   288 -5989 -Fox 


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. 

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■^ 

fc'  ! 

^ 

252   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
on  one  occasion,  "you  cannot,  you  shall  not  insinu- 
ate that  there  has  been  a  cabal  of  three  members 
against  you!"    "Gentlemen!   Gentlemen!"   Gal- 
latin would  expostulate  with  a  twinkle  in  his  eye, 
"We  must  remain  united  or  we  will  fail."  It  was 
his  good  temper  and  tact  that  saved  this  and  many 
similar  situations.     When  Bayard  had  essayed  a 
draft  of  his  own  and  had  failed  to  win  support,  it 
was  Gallatin  who  took  up  Adams's  .^raft  and  put 
it  into  acceptable  form.     On  the  third  day,  after 
hours  of  "sifting,  erasing,  patching,  and  amending, 
until  we  were  all  wearied,  though  none  of  us  satis- 
fied," Gallatin's  revision  was  accepted.    From 
this  moment,   Gallatin's  virtual   leadership  was 
unquestioned. 

The  American  note  of  the  24th  of  August  was  a 
vigorous  but  even-tempered  protest  against  the 
British  demands  as  contrary  to  precedent  and  dis- 
honorable to  the  United  States.  The  American 
States  would  never  consent  "to  abandon  territory 
and  a  portion  of  their  citizens,  to  admit  a  for- 
eign interference  in  their  domestic  concerns,  and 
to  cease  to  exercise  their  natural  rights  on  their 
own  shores  and  in  their  own  waters."  "A  treaty 
concluded  on  such  terms  would  be  but  an  armis- 
tice."   But  after  the  note  had  been  pi       red  and 


si- 


\4 


TKE  PEACEMAKERS 


253 


dispatched,  profound  discouragement  reigned  in 
the  American  hotel.  Even  Gallatin,  usually  hopeful 
and  philosophically  serene, grew  despondent.  "Our 
negotiations  may  be  considered  at  an  end,"  he 
wrote  to  Monroe;  "Great  Britain  wants  war  in 
order  to  cripple  us.  She  wa.  ts  aggrandizement  at 
our  expense.  ...  I  do  not  expect  to  be  longer 
than  three  weeks  in  Europe."  The  commissioners 
notified  their  landlord  that  they  would  give  up  their 
quarters  on  the  1st  of  October;  yet  they  lingered 
on  week  after  week,  waiting  for  the  \\ord  which 
would  close  negotiations  and  send  them  home. 

Meantime  the  British  Ministry  was  quite  as 
little  pleased  at  the  prospect.  It  would  not  do  to 
let  the  impression  go  abroad  that  Great  Britain 
was  prepared  to  continue  the  war  for  territorial 
gains.  If  a  rupture  of  the  negotiations  must 
come.  Lord  Castlereagh  preferred  to  let  the  Ameri- 
cans shoulder  the  responsibility.  He  therefore 
instructed  Gambler  not  to  insist  on  the  independ- 
ent Indian  territory  and  the  control  of  the  Lakes. 
These  points  were  no  longer  to  be  "ultimata" 
but  only  matters  for  discussion.  The  British 
commissioners  were  to  insist,  however,  oa  articles 
providing  for  the  pacification  of  the  Indians. 

Should  the  Americans  yield  this  sine  qua  non, 


\l 


i-k  r 


^'i 


II-  r 


i 


i^-  .■ ' 


j,» 


'  <' 


254   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

now  that  the  first  had  been  withdrawn?  Adams 
thought  not,  decidedly  not;  he  would  rather  break 
off  negotiations  than  admit  the  right  of  Great  Bri- 
tain to  interfere  with  the  Indians  dwelling  within 
the  limits  of  the  United  States.  Gallatin  remarked 
that  after  all  it  was  a  very  small  point  to  insist  on, 
when  a  slight  concession  would  "vin  much  more  im- 
portant points.  "Then,  said  I  [Adams],  with  a 
movement  of  impatience  and  an  angry  tone,  it  is  a 
good  point  to  admit  the  British  as  the  sovereigns 
and  protectors  of  our  Indians,.'  Gallatin's  face 
brightened,  and  he  suid  in  a  tone  of  perfect  good- 
humor,  'That's  a  non-sequitur.'  This  turned  the 
edge  of  the  argument  into  jocularity.  I  laughed, 
and  insisted  that  it  was  a  sequitur,  and  the  con- 
versation easily  changed  to  ar  ..er  point.'*  Galla- 
tin had  his  way  with  the  rest  of  the  commission 
and  drafted  the  note  of  the  26th  of  September, 
which,  while  refusing  to  recognize  the  Indians  as 
sovereign  nations  in  the  treaty,  proposed  a  stipula- 
tion that  would  leave  them  in  possession  of  their 
former  lands  and  rights.  This  solution  of  a  per- 
plexing problem  was  finally  accc  pted  after  another 
exchange  of  notes  and  another  earnest  discussion 
at  the  American  hotel,  where  Gallatin  again 
poured  oil  on  the  troubled  waters.     Concession 


THE  PEACEMAKERS  255 

begat  concession.  New  instructions  from  Presi- 
dent Madison  now  permitted  the  commissioners 
to  drop  the  demand  foi  the  abolition  of  impress- 
ments and  blockades;  and,  with  these  diflBcuIt 
matters  sw<.pt  away,  the  path  topeaje  was  much 
easier  to  travel. 

Such  was  the  outlook  for  peace  when  news 
reached  Ghent  of  the  humiliating  rout  at  Bladens- 
burg.  The  British  newspapers  were  full  of  jubi- 
lant comments;  the  five  crestfallen  American  en- 
voys took  what  cold  comfort  they  could  out  of  the 
very  general  condemnation  of  the  burning  of  the 
Capitol.  Then,  on  the  heels  of  this  intelligence, 
came  rumors  that  the  British  invasion  of  New  York 
had  failed  and  that  Prevost's  army  was  in  full  re- 
treat to  Canada.  The  Americans  could  hardly 
grasp  the  full  significance  of  this  British  reversal: 
it  was  too  good  to  be  true.  But  true  it  was,  and 
their  spirits  rebounded. 

It  was  at  this  juncture  that  the  British  commis- 
sioners presented  a  note,  on  the  21st  of  October, 
which  for  the  first  time  went  to  the  heart  of  the 
negotiations.  War  had  been  waged;  territory  had 
been  overrun;  conquests  had  been  made  —  not  the 
anticipated  conquests  on  either  side,  to  be  sure, 
but  conquests  nevertheless.     These  were  the  plain 


it 


■* 


•■  • 


ill 


III 

u 


k| 


'^h 


.\ 


il  .' 


,t 


V 


856  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
facts.  Now  the  practical  question  was  this:  Was 
the  treaty  to  be  drafted  on  the  basis  of  the  existing 
state  of  possession  or  on  the  basis  of  the  status  be- 
fore the  war?  The  British  note  stated  their  case  in 
plain  unvarnished  fashion;  il  insisted  on  the  status 
uti  possidetis  —  the  possession  of  territory  won 
by  arms. 

In  the  minds  of  the  Americans,  buoyed  up  by 
the  victory  at  Plattsburg,  there  was  not  the  shadow 
of  doubt  as  to  what  their  answer  should  be;  they 
declined  for  an  instant  to  consider  any  other  basis 
for  peace  than  the  restoration  of  gains  on  both 
sides.  Their  note  was  prompt,  emphatic,  even 
blunt,  and  it  nearly  shattered  the  nerves  of  the 
gentlemen  in  Downing  Street.  Had  these  stiff- 
necked  Yankees  no  sense?  Could  they  not  per- 
ceive the  studied  moderation  of  the  terms  proposed 
—  an  inland  or  two  and  a  small  strip  of  Maine  — 
when  half  of  Maine  and  the  south  bank  of  the  St. 
LawTence  from  Plattsburg  to  Sackett's  Harbor 
might  have  been  demanded  as  the  p'-ice  of  peace? 

The  prospect  of  another  year  of  war  simply  to 
secure  a  frontier  which  nine  out  of  ten  Englishmen 
could  not  have  identified  was  most  disquieting, 
especially  in  view  of  the  prodigious  cost  of  military 
operations  in  North  America.    The  Mi.:istry  was 


<!' 


;v> 


JAMK8  MONmM 


fliilli^  br  Ibki  TMckrlyn,  ISflf.  la  O*  Oty  Hall,  N«w 
Y«4b  OwMd  ^  te  Cwporstion.  g<»rpdiic«d  kgr  wurtcay  of 
tki  MnkM  Art  fSoBabnon  of  th*  Citjr  of  Mmr  York. 


I' 


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i!: 
11 


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.  n    .    >  •-  't  ill 


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V 


THE  PEACEMAKERS  i67 

both  hot  and  (old.  At  one  moment  it  favoretl  con- 
tinued war:  ut  another  it  shrank  from  the  conse- 
quences; and  in  the  end  it  confessed  its  own  want 
of  decision  by  appealing  to  the  Duke  uf  Welling- 
ton and  tryiig  to  shift  the  responsibility  to  his 
broad  shoulders.  Would  the  Duke  take  command 
of  the  forces  in  Canada?  He  should  be  invested 
with  full  diplomatic  and  military  powers  to  bring 
the  war  to  an  honorable  conclusion. 

The  reply  of  the  Iron  Duke  gave  the  Ministry 
another  shock.  He  would  go  to  America,  but  he 
did  not  promise  himself  much  success  there,  and 
he  was  reluctant  to  leave  Europe  at  this  critical 
time.  To  speak  frankly,  he  had  no  high  opinion 
of  the  diplomatic  game  which  the  Ministry  was 
playing  at  Ghent.  "I  confess,"  said  he,  "that  I 
tliink  you  have  no  right  from  the  state  of  the  war 
to  demand  any  concession  from  America.  .  .  . 
You  have  not  been  able  to  carry  it  into  the  enemy's 
territory,  notwithstanding  your  military  success, 
and  I  '  undoubted  military  superiority,  and  have 
not  even  cleared  your  own  territory  on  the  point 
of  attack.  You  cannot  on  any  principle  oi  r^uality 
in  negotiation  claim  a  cession  of  territory  excepting 
in  exchange  for  other  advaiitages  which  you  have 
in  your  power.   .    .    .     Then  if  this  reasoning  be 


1*1 


17 


'fi  'I 
-'I 


858   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

true,  why  stipulate  for  the  uti  poandetitt  You  can 
get  no  territory;  indeed,  the  state  of  you.  military 
operations,  however  creditable,  does  not  entitle  you 
to  demand  any." 

As  Lord  Liverpool  perused  this  dispatch,  the 
will  to  conquer  oozed  away.    "I  think  we  have  de- 
termined," he  wrote  a  few  days  later  to  Castle- 
reagh,  "if  all  other  points  can  be  satisfactorily 
settled,  not  to  continue  the  war  for  the  purpose  of 
obtaining  or  9?curing  any  acquisition  of  territory." 
He  set  forth  his  reasons  for  this  decision  succinctly: 
the  unsatisfactory  state  of  the  n^otiations  at 
Vienna,  the  alarming  condition  of  France,  the  de- 
plorable financial  outlook  in  England.    But  Lord 
Liverpool  omitted  to  mention  a  still  more  potent 
factor  in  his  calculations  —  the  growing  impatience 
of  the  country.    The  American  war  had  ceased  to 
be  popular;  it  had  become  tlie  graveyard  of  mili- 
tary reputations;  it  promised  no  glory  to  either 
sailor  or  soldier.    Now  that  the  correspondence  of 
the  negotiators  at  Ghent  was  made  public,  the 
reading  public  might  very  easily  draw  the  conclu- 
sion that  the  Ministry  was  prolonging  the  war  by 
settiajf  up  pretensions  which  it  could  not  sustain. 
No  iv_.uistry  could  afford  to  continue  a  war  out  of 
mere  stubbornness. 


Ml 


THE  PEACEMAKERS  «A0 

Meantime,  wholly  in  the  dark  aa  to  the  forces 
which  were  working  in  their  favor,  the  American 
commissioners  set  to  work  upon  a  draft  of  a  treaty 
which  should  be  their  answer  to  the  British  offer  of 
peace  on  the  basis  of  uti  pcndetU.  Almost  at 
once  dissensions  occurred.  Protracted  negotiations 
and  enforced  idleness  had  set  their  nerves  on 
edge,  and  old  personal  and  sectional  differences 
appeared.  The  two  matters  which  causinl  most 
trouble  were  the  fisheries  and  the  navigation  of 
the  Mississip^-  .  Adams  could  not  forget  how  stub- 
bomly  his  father  had  fought  for  that  article  in  the 
treaty  of  1783  which  had  conceded  to  Nt  w  England 
fishermen,  as  a  natural  right,  freedom  to  fish  in  Brit- 
ish waters.  To  a  certain  extent  this  concession  had 
been  offset  by  yielding  to  the  British  the  right  of 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  but  the  latter  right 
seemed  unimportant  in  th^  days  whe*  th**  Al  > 
ghanies  marked  the  limit  of  western  tlement. 
In  the  quarter  of  a  century  which  had  elapsed, 
however,  the  Weft  had  come  in*>  its  own.  It  was 
now  a  powerful  section  vv»*h  an  int^nsely  alert  con- 
sciousness of  its  rights  and  wrongs;  and  among  its 
rights  it  counted  the  exclusive  control  of  the  Father 
of  Waters.  Feeling  himself  as  much  the  champion 
of  Western  interests  as  Adams  did  of  New  England 


m 


;r 


t  ■■' 


■  i  r 


ki 


n-'.  ;i= 


It 


1  J'  , 


260   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

fisheries,  Clay  refused  indignantly  to  consent  to  a 
renewal  of  the  treaty  provisions  of  1 783.  But  when 
the  matter  came  to  a  vote,  he  found  himself  with 
Russell  in  a  minority.  Very  reluctantly  he  then 
agreed  to  Gallatin's  proposal,  to  insert  in  a  note, 
rather  than  in  the  draft  itself,  a  paragraph  to  the 
effect  that  the  commissioners  were  not  instructed 
to  discuss  the  rights  hitherto  enjoyed  in  the  fisher- 
ies, since  no  further  stipulation  was  deemed  neces- 
sary to  entitle  them  to  rights  which  were  recognized 
by  the  treaty  of  1783. 

When  the  British  reply  to  the  American  project 
was  read,  Adams  noted  with  quiet  satisfaction  that 
the  reservation  as  to  the  fisheries  was  pa  ssed  over  in 
silence  —  silence,  he  thought,  gave  consent  —  but 
Clay  flew  into  a  towering  passion  when  he  learned 
that  the  old  right  of  navigating  the  Mississippi  was 
reasserted.  iams  was  prepared  to  accept  the 
British  proposals;  Clay  refused  point  blank;  and 
Gallatin  sided  this  time  with  Clay.  Could  a  com- 
promise be  effected  between  these  stubborn  repre- 
sentatives of  East  and  West?  Gallatin  tried  once 
more.  Why  not  accept  the  British  right  of  naviga- 
tion —  surely  an  unimportant  point  after  all  —  and 
ask  for  an  express  affirmation  of  fishery  rights? 
Clay  replied  hotly  that  if  they  were  going  to 


r  I: 


V* 


THE  PEACEMAKERS  Ml 

sacrifice  the  West  to  Massachusetts,  he  would  not 
sign  the  treaty.  With  infinite  patience  Gallatin 
continued  to  play  the  role  of  peacemaker  and  finally 
brought  both  these  self-willed  men  to  agree  to  oflFer 
a  renewal  of  both  rights. 

Instead  of  accepting  this  eminently  fair  adjust- 
ment, the  British  representatives  proposed  that  the 
two  disputed  rights  be  left  to  future  negotiation. 
The  suggestion  caused  another  explosion  in  the 
ranks  of  the  Americans.  Adams  would  not  admit 
even  by  implication  that  the  rights  for  which  his 
sire  fought  could  be  forfeited  by  war  and  become 
the  subject  of  negotiation.  But  all  save  Adams 
were  ready  to  yield.  Again  Gallatin  came  to  the 
rescue.  He  penned  a  note  rejecting  the  British  offer, 
because  it  seemed  to  imply  the  abandonment  of  a 
right;  but  in  turn  he  offered  to  omit  in  the  treaty 
all  reference  to  the  fisheries  and  the  Mississippi  or 
to  include  a  general  reference  to  further  negotia- 
tion of  all  matters  still  in  dispute,  in  such  a  way 
as  not  to  relinquish  any  rights.  To  this  solution  of 
the  diflSculty  all  agreed,  though  Adams  was  still 
torn  by  doubts  and  Clay  believed  that  the  treaty 
was  bound  to  be  "damned  bad"  anyway. 

An  anxious  week  of  waiting  followed.  On  the 
22d   of   December  came   the   British   reply  —  a 


;  1 


I. 


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1 1 


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•-I  '■ 


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262   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

grudging  acceptance  of  Gallatin's  first  proposal  to 
omit  all  reference  to  the  fisheries  and  the  Missis- 
sippi.  Two  days  later  the  treaty  was  signed  in  the 
refectory  of  the  Carthusian  monastery  where  the 
British  commissioners  were  quartered.     Let  the 
tired  seventeen-year-old  boy  who  had  been  his 
father's  scribe  through  these  long  weary  months 
describe  the  events  of  Christmas  Day,  1814.    "The 
British  delegates  very  civilly  asked  us  to  dinner," 
wrote  James  Gallatin  in  his  diary.    "The  roast 
beef  and  plum  pudding  was  from  England,  and 
everybody  drank  everybody  else's  health.     The 
band  played  first  God  Save  the  King,  to  the  toast 
of  the  King,  and  Yankee  Doodle,  to  the  toast  of  the 
President.    Congratulations  on  all  sides  and  a  gen- 
eral atmosphere  of  serenity;  it  was  a  scene  to  be 
remembered.     God  grant  there  may  be  always 
peace  between  the  two  nations.   I  never  saw  father 
so  cheerful;  he  was  in  high  spirits,  and  his  witty 
conversation  was  much  appreciated."' 

Peace!  That  was  the  outstanding  achievement 
of  the  American  commissioners  at  Ghent.  Meas- 
ured by  the  purposes  of  the  war-hawks  of  1812, 
measured   by  the  more  temperate  purposes  of 

'  A  Great  Peace  Maker:  The  Dairy  of  Ja-^.e»  Gallatin  (1914), 
p.  36. 


'f 


"r.  N^i- 


THE  PEACEMAKERS  263 

President  Madison,  the  Treaty  of  Ghent  was  a 
confession  of  national  weakness  and  humiHating 
failure.  Clay,  whose  voice  had  been  loudest  for  war 
and  whose  kindling  fancy  had  pictured  American 
armies  dictating  terms  of  surrender  at  Quebec,  set 
his  signature  to  a  document  which  redressed  not  a 
single  grievance  and  added  not  a  foot  of  territory 
to  the  United  States.  Adams,  who  had  denounced 
Great  Britain  for  the  crime  of  "man-stealing,"  ac- 
cepted a  treaty  of  peace  which  contained  not  a 
syllable  about  impressment.  President  Madison, 
who  had  reluctantly  accepted  war  as  the  last 
means  of  escape  from  the  blockade  of  American 
ports  and  the  ruin  of  neutral  trade,  recommended 
the  ratification  of  a  convention  which  did  not  so 
much  as  mention  maritime  questions  and  the 
rights  of  neutrals. 

Peace  —  and  nothing  more?  Much  more,  indeed, 
than  appears  in  rubrics  on  parchment.  The  Treaty 
of  Ghent  must  be  interpreted  in  the  light  of  more 
than  a  hundred  years  of  peace  between  the  two 
great  branches  of  the  English-speaking  race.  More 
conscious  of  their  differences  than  anything  else, 
no  doubt,  these  eight  peacemakers  at  Ghent  never- 
theless spoke  a  common  tongue  and  shared  a  com- 
mon English  trait:  they  laid  firm  hold  on  reaHties. 


■? 


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264  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
Like  practical  men  they  faced  the  year  1815  and 
not  1812.  In  a  pacified  Europe  rid  of  the  Corsican, 
questions  of  maritime  practice  seemed  dead  issues. 
Let  the  dead  past  bury  its  dead!  To  remove  pos- 
sible causes  of  future  controversy  seemed  wiser 
statesmanship  than  to  rake  over  the  embers  of 
quarrels  which  might  never  be  rekindled.  So  it  was 
that  in  prosaic  articles  they  provided  for  three  com- 
missions to  arbitrate  boundary  controversies  at 
critical  points  in  the  far-flung  frontier  between 
Canada  and  the  United  States,  and  thus  laid  the 
foundations  of  an  international  accord  which  has 
survived  a  hundred  years. 


J  : 


.,..v 


.  -^  \i 


rVI 


I J 


CHAPTER  XIII 

SPANISH   DERELICTS   IN   THE  NEW  WORLD 

It  fell  to  the  last,  and  perhap?  least  talented,  Presi- 
dent of  the  Virginia  Dynasty  to  consummate  the 
work  of  Jefferson  and  Madison  by  f  final  settle- 
ment with  Spain  which  left  the  United  States  in 
possession  of  the  Floridas.  In  the  diplomatic  ser- 
vice James  Monroe  had  exhibited  none  of  those 
qualities  which  warranted  the  expectation  that  he 
would  succeed  where  his  predecessors  had  failed. 
On  his  missions  to  England  and  Spain,  indeed,  he 
had  been  singularly  inept,  but  he  had  learned  much 
in  the  rude  school  of  experience,  and  he  now  brought 
to  his  new  duties  discretion,  sobriety,  and  poise. 
He  was  what  the  common  people  held  him  to  be  — 
a  faithful  public  servant,  deeply  and  sincerely  re- 
publican, earnestly  desirous  to  serve  the  country 
which  he  loved. 

The  circumstances  of  Monroe's  election  pledged 
him  to  a  truly  national  policy.    He  had  received 

i65 


>' 


'I  • 


if 


\i 


«66  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
the  electoral  votes  of  all  but  three  States. '  He  was 
now  President  of  an  undivided  country,  not  merely 
a  Virginian  fortuitously  elevated  to  the  chief  magis- 
tracy and  regarded  as  alien  in  sympathy  to  the 
North  and  East.  Any  doubts  on  this  point  were 
dispelled  by  the  popular  demonstrations  which 
greeted  him  on  his  tour  through  Federalist  strong- 
holds in  the  Northeast.  "I  have  seen  enough." 
he  wrote  in  grateful  recollection,  "to  satisfy  me 
that  the  great  mass  of  our  fellow-citizens  in  the 
Eastern  States  are  as  firmly  attached  to  the  union 
and  republican  government  as  I  have  always  be- 
lieved or  could  desire  them  to  be."  The  news- 
sheets  which  followed  his  progress  from  day  to  day 
coined  the  phrase,  "era  of  good  feeling,"  which 
ha^  passed  current  ever  since  as  a  characterization 
of  his  administration. 

It  was  in  this  admirable  temper  and  with  this 
broad  national  outlook  that  Monroe  chose  his  ad- 
visers and  heads  of  departments.  He  was  well 
aware  of  the  common  belief  that  his  predecessors 
Lad  appointed  Virginians  to  the  Secretaryship  of 
State  in  order  to  prepc  e  the  way  for  their  suc- 
cession to  the  Presidency.    He  was  determined. 


'  Monroe  received.183  electoral  votes  and  Rufiis  King,  34— the 
votes  of  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  Delaware. 


■  T; 


SPANISH  DERELICTS  207 

therefore,  to  avert  the  suspicion  of  secticnai  bias  by 
selecting  some  one  from  the  Eastern  States,  rather 
than  from  the  South  or  from  the  West,  hitherto  so 
closely  allied  to  the  South.  His  choice  fell  upon 
John  Quincy  Adams,  "who  by  his  age,  long  expe- 
rience in  our  foreign  affairs,  and  adoption  into  the 
Republican  party,"  he  assured  Jefferson,  "seems 
to  have  superior  pretentions."  It  was  an  excellent 
appointment  from  every  point  of  view  but  one. 
Monroe  had  overlooked  —  and  the  circumstance 
did  him  infinite  credit  —  the  exigencies  of  politics 
and  passed  over  an  individual  whose  vaulting  am- 
bition had  already  made  him  an  aspirant  to  the 
Presidency.  Henry  Clay  was  grievously  disap- 
pointed and  henceforward  sulked  in  his  tent,  refus- 
ing the  Secretaryship  of  War  which  th  ^  President 
tendered.  Eventually  the  brilliant  young  John  C. 
Calhoun  took  this  post.  This  South  Carolinian 
was  in  the  prime  of  life,  full  of  fire  and  dash,  ar- 
dently patriotic,  and  nationally-minded  to  an  un- 
usual degree.  Of  William  H  Crawford  of  Georgia, 
who  retained  the  Secretaryship  of  the  Treasury, 
little  need  be  said  except  that  he  also  was  a  pres. 
dential  aspirant  who  saw  things  always  from  the 
angle  of  political  expediency.  Benjamin  W.  Crown- 
inshield  as  Secretary  of  the  Navy  and  WiUiam  Wirt 


V, 


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868   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

as  Attorney-General  completed  the  circle  of  the 
President's  intimate  advisers. 

The  new  Secretary  of  State  had  not  been  in  office 
many  weeks  before  he  received  a  morning  call  from 
Don  Luis  de  Onis,  the  Spanish  Minister,  who  was 
laboring  under  ill-disguised  excitement.  It  ap- 
peared that  his  house  in  Washington  had  been  re- 
peatedly "insulted"  of  late  — windows  broken, 
lamps  in  front  of  the  house  smashed,  and  one  night 
a  dead  fowl  tied  to  his  bell-rope.  This  last  piece  of 
vandalism  had  been  too  much  for  his  equanimity. 
He  held  it  a  gross  insult  to  his  sovereign  and  the 
Spanish  monarchy,  importing  that  they  were  of  no 
more  consequence  than  a  dead  old  hen!  Adams, 
though  considerably  amused,  endeavored  to  smooth 
the  ruffled  pride  of  the  chevalier  by  suggesting  that 
these  were  probably  only  the  tricks  of  some  mis- 
chievous boys;  but  DeOnis  was  not  easily  appeased. 
Indeed,  as  Adams  was  himself  soon  to  learn,  the 
American  public  did  regard  the  Spanish  monarchy 
as  a  dead  old  hen,  and  took  no  pains  to  disguise  its 
c  intempt.  Adams  had  yet  to  learn  the  long  train 
of  circumstances  which  made  Spanish  relations 
the  most  delicate  and  difficult  of  all  the  diplomatic 
problems  in  his  office. 

With  his  wonted  industry,  Adams  soon  made 


;.V. 


SPANISH  DERELICTS  «60 

himself  master  of  the  facts  relatinfi;  to  Spanish 
diplomacy.  For  the  moment  interest  centered  on 
East  Florida.  Carefully  unraveling  the  tangled 
skein  of  events,  Adams  followed  the  thread  which 
led  back  to  President  Madison's  secret  message  to 
Congress  of  January  3,  1811,  which  was  indet^d  one 
of  the  landmarks  in  American  policy.  Madison 
had  recommended  a  declaration  "that  the  United 
States  could  not  see  without  serious  inquietude  any 
part  of  a  neighboring  territory  [like  East  Florida] 
in  which  they  have  in  different  respects  so  deep  and 
so  just  a  concern  pass  from  the  hands  of  Spain  into 
those  of  any  other  foreign  power."  To  prevent 
the  possible  subversion  of  Spanish  authority  in 
East  Florida  and  the  occupation  of  the  province 
by  a  foreign  power  —  Great  Britain  was,  of  course, 
the  power  the  President  had  in  mind  —  he  had 
urged  Congress  to  authorize  him  to  take  tempo- 
rary possession  "in  pursuance  of  arrangements 
which  may  be  desired  by  the  Spanish  authorities." 
Congress  had  responded  with  alacrity  and  em- 
powered the  President  to  occupy  East  Florida 
in  case  the  local  authorities  should  consent  or 
a  foreign  power  should  attempt  to  occupy  ^t. 
With  equal  dispatch  the  President  had  sent  two 
agents.  General  George  Matthews  and  Colonel 


11^ 


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no  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

John  McKee,  on  one  of  the  strangest  missions  in 
the  border  history  of  the  United  States. 

East  Florida  —  Adams  found,  pursuing  his  in- 
quiries into  the  urehives  of  the  department  —  in- 
cluded the  two  imiH>rtant  ports  of  entry,  Pensacola 
on  the  Gulf  and  Fernandina  on  Amelia  Island,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  St.  Mary's  River.   The  island  had 
long  been  a  notorious  resort  for  smugglers.  Hither 
had  come  British  and  American  vessels  with  car- 
gotis  of  merchandise  and  slaves,  which  found  their 
way  in  mysterious  fashion  to  consignees  within  the 
States.   A  Spanish  garrison  of  ten  men  was  the  sole 
custodian  of  law  and  order  on  the  island.    Up  and 
down  the  river  was  scattered  a  lawless  population 
of  freebooters,  who  were  equally  ready  to  raid  a 
border  plantation  or  to  raise  the  Jolly  Roger  on 
some  piratical  cruise.    To  this  No  Man's  Land  — 
fertile  recruiting  ground  for  all  manner  of  filibuster- 
ing expeditions  —  General  Matthews  and  Colonel 
McKee  had  betaken  themselves  in  the  spring  of 
1811,  bearing  some  explicit  instructions  from  Presi- 
dent Madison  but  also  some  very  pronounced  con- 
victions as  to  what  they  were  expected  to  accom- 
plish.    Matthews,  at  least,  understood  that  the 
President   wished   a   revolution   after    the  West 
Florida  model.    He  assured  the  Administration  — 


--  -  a 


8PANI?  1  DERELICTS 


871 


Adams  read  the  preciou.s  miuivc  in  the  files  of  his 
oflSce  —  that  he  could  do  the  trick.  Only  let  the 
Government  consign  two  hundred  stand  of  arms 
and  fifty  horsemen's  swords  to  the  commander  at 
St.  Mory's,  and  he  would  guarantee  to  put  the  rev- 
olution tlirough  without  committing  the  United 
States  in  any  way. 

The  melodrama  had  been  staged  for  the  follow> 
ing  spring  (1812).  Some  two  hundred  "patriots" 
recruited  from  the  border  people  gathered  near  St. 
Mary's  with  souls  yearning  for  freedom;  and  while 
American  gunboats  took  a  menacing  position,  this 
force  of  insurgents  had  landed  on  Amelia  Island 
and  summoned  the  Spanish  commandant  to  surren- 
der. Not  willing  to  spoil  the  scene  by  vulgar  ri  .nst- 
ance,  the  commandant  capitulated  and  marched 
out  his  garrison,  ten  strong,  with  all  the  honors  of 
war.  The  Spanish  flag  had  been  hauled  down  lo 
give  place  to  the  flag  of  the  insurgents,  bearing  the 
inspiring  motto  Sains  populi  —  suprema  lex.  Then 
General  Matthews  with  a  squad  of  regular  United 
States  troops  had  crossed  the  river  and  taken  pos- 
session. Only  the  benediction  of  the  Governmrnt 
at  Washington  was  lacking  to  make  the  success 
of  his  mission  complete;  but  to  the  general's 
consternation  no  approving  message  came,  only 


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ilt   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

a  peremptory  iJispateh  disavowing  hiit  acts  and 
revoking  his  commission. 

As  Adams  reviewed  thes*-  evonls.  lie  eould  see  no 
other  ultemutiv(>  for  the  Government  to  Imve  pur- 
sued at  this  moment  when  wur  with  Great  Britain 
was  impending.    It  would  have  been  the  height  of 
folly  to  break  openly  with  Spain.   The  Administra- 
tion had  indeed  instructed  its  new  agent,  Governor 
Mitchell  of  Georgia,  to  restore  the  island  to  the 
Spanish  commandant  and  to  withdraw  his  troops,  if 
he  could  do  so  without  sacrificing  the  insurgents  to 
the  vengeance  of  the  Spaniards.    But  the  forces  set 
in  motion  by  Matthews  were  not  so  easily  controlled 
from  Washington.    Once  having  resolved  to  h'ber- 
ate  East  Florida,  the  patriots  were  i;ot  disiwsed 
to  retire  at  the  nod  of  the  Secretary  of  State.    The 
Spanish  commandant  was  equally  obdurate.    He 
would  make  no  promise  to  spare  the  insurgents. 
The  Legislature  of  Georgia,  too,  had  a  mind  of  u.. 
own.   It  resolved  that  the  occupation  of  East  Flor- 
ida was  essential  to  the  safety  of  the  State,  whether 
Congress  approved  or  no;  and  the  Governor,  swept 
along  in  the  current  of  popular  feeling,  summoned 
troops  from  Savannah  to  hold  the  province.    Just 
at  this  moment  had  come  the  news  of  war  with 
Great  Britain;  and  Governor,  State  militia,  and 


'  u 


SPANISH  DERELICTS  278 

patriots  had  comhincd  in  a>i  effurt  tu  prevent  Katit 
Florida  from  iM'Conu'nK  i'ni'iiiy\<i  territory. 

Military  conHi<lerutionH  hnd  also  .swept  the  Ad- 
miniiit ration  alonf;  the  .same  ha/ar«lou.s  course.  The 
occupation  of  the  Florida^  seemed  imperative.  The 
President  itouf^ht  authorization  from  CunKress  to 
occupy  rti.i  govern  both  tin-  Floridas  until  the 
vexed  <{uestiun  of  title  could  Ik?  .settle<l  by  negotia- 
tion. Only  a  part  of  this  pro^amme  had  carried, 
for,  while  Coiigress  was  prepared  to  approve  the 
military  occupation  of  West  Florida  to  the  Perdido 
River,  beyond  that  it  would  not  go;  and  so  with 
great  reluctance  the  President  had  ordered  the 
troops  to  withdraw  from  Amelia  Island.  In  the 
spring  of  the  same  year  (1813)  General  Wilkinson 
had  occupied  West  Florida  —  the  only  p(>rmanent 
conquest  of  the  war  and  that,  oddly  enough,  the 
conquest  of  a  territory  owned  and  held  dy  a  power 
with  which  the  United  States  was  not  at  w    r. 

Abandoned  by  the  American  troops,  Amelia  Is- 
land had  become  a  rendezvous  for  outlaws  from 
every  part  of  the  Americas.  Just  about  the  time 
that  Adams  was  crossii.^^  the  ocean  to  take  up  his 
dutief!  at  the  State  Department,  one  of  these  buc- 
caneers by  the  name  of  Gregor  MacGregor  de- 
scended upon  the  island  as  "  Brigadier  General  of 


ii 


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«74   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

the  Armies  of  the  United  Provinces  of  New  Gran- 
ada and  Venezuela,  and  General-in-chief  of  that 
destined  to  emancipate  the  provinces  of  both  Flor- 
idas,  under  the  commission  of  the  Supreme  Govern- 
ment of  Mexico  and  South  America."  This  pirate 
was  soon  succeeded  by  General  Aury,  who  had  en- 
joyed a  wild  career  among  the  buccaneers  of  Gal- 
veston Bay,  where  he  had  posed  as  military  gover- 
nor under  the  Republic  of  Mexico.  East  Florida  in 
the  hands  of  such  desperadoes  was  a  menace  to  the 
American  border. 

Approaching  the  problem  of  East  Florida  with- 
out any  of  the  prepossessions  of  those  who  had  been 
dealing  with  Spanish  envoys  for  a  score  of  years, 
the  new  Secretary  of  State  was  prepared  to  move 
directly  to  his  goal  without  any  too  great  considera- 
tion for  the  feelings  of  others.  His  examination  of 
the  facts  led  him  to  a  clean-cut  decision :  this  nest  of 
pirates  must  be  broken  up  at  once.  His  energy  car- 
ried President  and  Cabinet  along  with  him.  It  was 
decided  to  send  troops  and  ships  to  the  St.  Mary's 
and  if  necessary  to  invest  Fernandina.  This  dem- 
onstration of  force  sufficed;  General  Aury  depar  - 
ed  to  conquer  new  worlds,  and  Amelia  Island  was 
occupied  for  the  second  time  without  bloodshed. 

But    ow,  having  grasped  the  nettle  firmly,  what 


U  ' 


\* 


SPANISH  DERELICTS  275 

was  the  Administration  to  do  with  it?  De  Onis 
promptly  registered  his  protest;  the  opposition  in 
Congress  seized  upon  the  incident  to  worry  the 
President;  many  of  the  President's  friends  thought 
that  he  had  been  precipitate.  Monroe,  indeed,  would 
have  been  glad  to  withdraw  the  troops  now  that 
they  had  effected  their  object,  but  Adams  was  for 
holding  the  island  in  order  to  force  Spain  to  terms. 
With  a  frankness  which  lacerated  the  feelings  of 
De  Onis,  Adams  insisted  that  the  United  States 
had  acted  strictly  on  the  defensive.  The  occupa- 
tion of  Amelia  Island  was  not  an  act  of  aggression 
but  a  necessary  measure  for  the  protection  of  com- 
merce—  American  commerce,  the  commerce  of 
other  nations,  the  commerce  of  Spain  itself.  Now 
why  not  put  an  end  to  all  friction  by  ceding  the 
Floridas  to  the  United  States?  What  would  Spain 
take  for  all  her  possessions  east  of  the  Mississippi, 
Adams  asked.  De  Onis  declined  to  say.  Well,  then, 
Adams  pursued,  suppose  the  United  States  should 
withdraw  from  Amelia  Island,  would  Spain  guar- 
antee that  it  should  not  be  occupied  again  by  free- 
booters? No :  De  Onis  could  give  no  such  guaran- 
tee, but  he  would  write  to  the  Governor  of  Havana 
to  ascertain  if  he  would  send  an  adequate  garrison 
to  Fernandina. 


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276   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

Adams  reported  this  significant  conversation  to 
the  President,  who  was  visibly  shaken  by  i  he  con- 
flict of  opinions  within  his  poHtical  household  and 
not  a  little  alarmed  at  the  possibility  of  war  with 
Spain.  The  Secretary  of  State  was  coolly  taking 
the  measure  of  his  chief.  "There  is  a  slowness, 
want  of  decision,  and  a  spirit  of  procrastination  in 
the  President,"  he  confided  to  his  diary.  He  did 
not  add,  but  the  thought  was  in  his  mind,  that  he 
could  sway  this  President,  mold  him  to  his  heart's 
desire.  In  this  first  trial  of  strength  the  hardier 
personality  won:  Monroe  sent  a  message  t  "on- 
gress,  on  January  13,  1818,  announcing  his  .nten- 
tion  to  hold  East  Florida  for  the  present,  and  the 
arguments  which  he  used  to  justify  this  bold  course 
were  precisely  those  of  his  Secretary  of  State. 

When  Adams  suggested  that  Spain  might  put  an 
end  to  all  her  worries  by  ceding  the  Floridas,  he  was 
only  renewing  an  offer  that  Monroe  had  made  while 
he  was  still  Secretary  of  State.  De  Onis  had  then 
declared  that  Spain  would  never  cede  territory 
east  of  the  Mississippi  unless  the  United  States 
would  relinquish  its  claims  west  of  that  river.  Now, 
to  the  new  Secretary,  DeOnis  intimated  that  he  was 
ready  to  be  less  exacting.  He  would  be  willing  to 
run  the  line  farther  west  and  allow  the  United 


SPANISH  DERELICTS  277 

States  a  large  part  of  what  is  now  the  State  of 
Louisiana.  Adams  made  no  reply  to  this  tentative 
proposal  but  bided  his  time;  and  time  played  into 
his  hands  in  unexpect  1  ways. 

To  the  Secretary's  office,  one  day  in  June,  1818. 
came  a  letter  from  De  Onis  which  was  a  veritable 
firebrand.    De  Onis,  who  was  not  unnaturally  dis- 
posed to  believe  the  worst  of  Americans  on  the 
border,  had  heard  that  General  Andrew  Jackson  in 
pursuit  of  the  Seminole  Indians  had  crossed  into 
Florida  and  captured  Pensacola  and  St.  Mark's. 
He  demanded  to  be  informed  "in  a  positive,  dis- 
tinct and  explicit  manner  just  what  had  occurred"; 
and  then,  outraged  by  confirmatory  reports  and 
without  waiting  for  Adams's  reply,  he  wrote  an- 
other angry  letter,  insisting  upon  the  restitution 
of  the  captured  forts  and  the  punishment  of  the 
American  general.    Worse  tidings  follow,  d.  Bagot, 
the  British  Minister,  had  heard  that  Jackson  had 
seized  and  executed  two  British  subjects  on  Span- 
ish soil.    Would  the  Secretary  of  State  inform  him 
whether  General  Jackson  had  been  authorized  to 
take  Pensacola,    and  would  the  Secretary  furnish 
him  with  copies  of  the  reports  of  the  courts-martial 
which  had  condemned  these  two  subjects  of  His 


V' 


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278   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

Majesty?    Adams  could  only  reply  that  he  lacked 
official  information. 

By  the  second  week  in  July,  dispatches  from 
General  Jackson  confirmed  the  worst  insinuations 
and  accusations  of  De  Onis  and  Bagot.  President 
Monroe  was  painfully  embarrassed.  Prompt  dis- 
avowal of  the  general's  conduct  seemed  the  only 
way  to  avert  war;  but  to  disavow  the  acts  of  this 
popular  idol,  the  victor  of  New  Orleans,  was  no 
light  matter.  He  sought  the  advice  of  his  Cabinet 
and  was  hardly  less  embarrassed  to  find  all  but  one 
convinced  that  "Old  HicKory"  had  acted  contrary 
to  instructions  and  had  committed  acts  oi  hostility 
against  Spain.  A  week  of  anxious  Cabinet  sessions 
followed,  in  which  only  one  voice  was  raised  in  de- 
fense of  the  invasion  of  Florida.  All  but  Adams 
reared  war,  a  war  which  the  opposition  would  sure- 
ly brand  as  incited  by  the  President  without  the 
consent  of  Congress.  No  administration  could 
carry  on  a  war  begun  in  violation  of  the  Constitu- 
tion, said  Calhoun.  But,  argued  Adams,  the  Presi- 
dent may  authorize  defensive  acts  of  hostility. 
Jackson  had  been  authorized  to  cross  the  frontier, 
if  necessary,  in  pursuit  of  the  Indians,  and  all  the 
ensuing  deplorable  incidents  had  followed  as  a 
necessary  consequence  of  Indian  warfare. 


V. 


SPANISH  DERELICTS  «TO 

The  conclusions  of  the  Cabinet  were  summed  up 
by  Adams  in  a  reply  to  De  Onis,  on  the  23d  of  July, 
which  must  have  greatly  astonished  that  diligent 
defender  of  Spanish  honor.  Opening  the  letter  to 
read,  as  he  confidently  expected,  a  disavowal  and  an 
offer  of  reparation,  he  found  the  responsibility  for 
the  recent  unpleasant  incidents  fastened  upon  his 
own  country.  He  was  reminded  that  by  the  treaty 
of  1795  both  Governments  had  contracted  to  re- 
strain the  Indians  within  their  respective  borders, 
so  that  neither  should  suffer  from  hostile  raids,  and 
that  the  Governor  of  Pensacola,  when  called  upon 
to  break  up  a  stronghold  of  Indians  and  fugitive 
slaves,  had  acknowledged  his  obligation  but  had 
pleaded  his  inability  to  carry  out  the  covenant. 
Then,  and  then  only,  had  General  Jackson  been 
authorized  to  cross  the  border  and  to  put  an  end  to 
outrages  which  the  Spanish  authorities  lacked  the 
power  to  prevent.  General  Jackson  had  taken  pos- 
session of  the  Spanish  forts  on  his  own  responsi- 
bility when  he  became  convinced  of  the  duplicity 
of  the  commandant,  who,  indeed,  had  made  him- 
self "a  partner  and  accomplice  of  the  hostile  In- 
dians and  of  their  foreign  instigators  "  Such  con- 
duct on  the  part  of  His  Majesty's  officer  justified 
the  President  in  calling  for  his  ».  anishment.    But, 


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if. 


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II; 


280  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

in  the  meantime,  the  President  was  prepared  to 
restore  Pensacola,  and  also  St.  Mark's,  whenever 
His  Majesty  should  send  a  force  sufficiently  strong 
to  hold  the  Indians  under  control. 

Nor  did  the  Secretary  of  State  moderate  his  tone 
or  abate  his  demands  when  Pizarro,  the  Spanish 
Minister  of  Foreign  A£Pairs,  threatened  to  sus- 
pend negotiations  with  the  United  States  until  it 
should  give  satisfaction  for  this  "shameful  invasion 
of  His  Majesty's  territory"  and  for  these  "acts  of 
barbarity  glossed  over  with  the  forms  of  justice." 
In  a  dispatch  to  the  American  Minister  at  Madrid, 
Adams  vigorously  defended  Jackson's  conduct 
from  beginning  to  end.  The  time  had  come,  said 
he,  when  "Spain  must  immediately  make  her  elec- 
tion either  to  place  a  force  in  Florida  adequate  at 
once  to  the  protection  of  her  territory  and  to  the 
fulfilment  of  her  engagements  or  cede  to  the  United 
States  a  province  of  which  she  retains  nothing  but 
the  nominal  possession,  but  which  is  in  fact  a  dere- 
lict, open  to  the  occupancy  of  every  enemy,  civil- 
ized or  savage,  of  the  United  States  and  serving  no 
other  earthly  purpose,  than  as  a  post  of  annoyance 
to  them." 

This  atfront  to  Spanish  pride  might  have  ended 
abruptly  a  chapter  in  Spanish- American  diplomacy 


,  ,1 « 


SPANISH  DERELICTS  881 

but  for  the  friendly  offices  of  Hyde  de  Neuville,  the 
French  Minister  at  Washington,  whose  Govern- 
ment could  not  view  without  alarm  the  possibili- 
ty of  a  rupture  between  the  two  coimtries.  It 
was  Neuville  who  labor^^^d  through  the  summer 
months  of  this  year,  first  with  Adams,  then  with 
De  Onis,  tempering  the  demands  of  the  one  and 
placating  the  pride  of  the  other,  but  never  allow- 
ing intercourse  to  drop.  Adams  was  right,  and 
both  Neuville  and  De  Onis  knew  it;  the  only 
way  to  settle  outstanding  differences  was  to  cede 
these  Spanish  derelicts  in  the  New  World  to  the 
United  States. 

To  bring  and  keep  together  these  two  antitheti- 
cal personalities,  representatives  of  two  opposing 
political  systems,  was  no  small  achievement.  WTiat 
De  Onis  thought  of  his  stubborn  opponent  may  be 
surmised;  what  the  American  thought  of  the  Span- 
iard need  not  be  left  to  conjecture.  In  the  pages 
of  his  diary  Adams  painted  the  portrait  of  his  ad- 
versary as  he  saw  him  —  "cold,  calculating,  wily, 
always  commanding  his  temper,  proud  because  he 
is  a  Spaniard  but  supple  and  '•unning,  accommo- 
dating the  tone  of  his  pretensions  precisely  to  the 
degree  of  endurance  of  his  opponents,  bold  and 
overbearing  to  the  utmost  extent  to  which  it  is 


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882    JEFFERSON  AND  FN  COLLEAGUES 

tolerated,  careless  of  what  he  asserts  or  how  groHsIy 
it  is  proved  to  be  unfounded." 

The  history  of  the  negotiations  run*  *    ,  through 
the  fall  and  winter  ia  a  successio  /I'opositions 

and  counter-propositions,  made  foin:  ily  by  the 
chief  participants  or  tentatively  and  informally 
through  Neuville.  The  western  boundary  of  the 
Louisiana  purchase  was  the  chief  obstacle  to  agree- 
ment. Each  sparred  for  an  advantage;  each  made 
extreme  claims;  and  each  was  persuaded  to  yield 
a  little  here  and  a  little  there,  slowly  narrowing 
the  bounds  of  the  disputed  territory.  More  than 
once  the  President  and  the  Cabinet  believed  that 
the  last  concession  had  been  extorted  and  were 
prepared  to  yield  on  other  matters.  WTien  the 
President  was  prepared,  for  example,  to  accept 
the  hundredth  meridian  and  the  forty-third  par- 
allel, Adams  insisted  on  demanding  the  one  hun- 
dred and  second  and  the  forty-second;  and  "af- 
ter a  long  and  violent  struggle,"  wrote  Adams, 
"he  [De  Onis]  .  .  .  agreed  to  take  longitude  one 
hundred  from  the  Red  River  to  the  Arkansas,  and 
latitude  forty-two  from  the  source  of  the  Arkan- 
sas to  the  South  Sea."  This  was  a  momentous 
decision,  for  the  United  States  acquired  thus 
whatever  claim  Spain  had  to  the  northwest  coast 


SPANISH  DERELICTS  883 

but  sucrificed  its  claim  to  Texas  for  the  possession 
of  the  Floridas. 

Vexatious  questions  still  remained  to  be  settled. 
The  spoliation  claims  which  were  to  have  been  ad- 
justed by  the  convention  of  1802  were  finally  left  to 
a  commission,  the  United  States  agreeing  to  assume 
all  obligations  to  an  amount  not  exceeding  five 
million  dollars,  De  Onis  demurred  at  stating  this 
amount  in  the  treaty:  he  wouH  be  blamed  for  hav- 
ing betrayed  the  honor  of  Spain  by  selling  the 
Floridas  for  a  paltry  five  millions.  To  which 
Adams  replied  dryly  that  he  ought  to  boast  of  his 
bargain  instead  of  being  ashamed  of  it,  since  it  was 
notorious  that  the  Floridas  had  always  been  a  bur- 
den to  the  Spanish  exchequer.  Negotiations  came 
to  a  standstill  again  when  Adams  insisted  that  cer- 
tain royal  grants  of  land  in  the  Floridas  should  be 
declared  null  and  void.  He  feared,  and  not  with- 
out reason,  that  these  grants  would  deprive  the 
United  States  of  the  domain  which  was  to  be  used 
to  pay  the  indemnities  assumed  in  the  treaty.  De 
Onis  resented  the  demand  as  "offensive  to  the  dig- 
nity and  imprescriptible  rights  of  the  Crown  of 
Spain";  and  once  again  Neuville  came  to  the  rescue 
of  the  treaty  and  persuaded  both  parties  to  agree 
to  a  compromise.     On  the  understanding  that  the 


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884   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

royal  grants  in  question  had  been  made  subse- 
quent to  January  84, 1818,  Adams  agreed  that  all 
grants  made  since  that  date  (when  the  first  pro- 
posal was  made  by  His  Majesty  for  the  cession  of 
the  Floridas)  should  be  declared  null  and  void; 
and  that  all  grants  made  before  that  date  should 
be  confirmed. 

On  the  anniversary  of  Washington's  birthday, 
De  Onis  and  Adams  signed  the  treaty  which  carried 
the  United  St.ites  to  its  natural  limits  on  the  south- 
east. The  event  seemed  to  Adams  to  mark  "  a  great 
epocha  in  our  history."  "It  was  near  one  in  the 
morning,"  he  recorded  in  his  diary,  "  when  I  closed 
the  day  with  ejaculations  of  fervent  gratitude  to 
the  Giver  of  all  good.  It  was,  perhaps,  the  most 
important  day  of  my  life.  .  .  .  Let  no  idle  and 
unfounded  exultation  take  possession  of  my  mind, 
as  if  I  would  ascribe  to  my  own  foresight  or  exer- 
tions any  portion  of  the  event."  But  misgivings 
followed  hard  on  these  joyous  reflections.  The 
treaty  had  still  to  be  ratified,  and  the  Jisposition 
of  the  Spanish  Cortes  was  uncertain.  There  was, 
too,  considerable  opposition  in  the  Senate.  "A 
watchful  eye,  a  resolute  purpose,  a  calm  and 
patient  temper,  and  a  favoring  Providence  will 
all  be   as   indispensable  for  the  future  as  they 


■.1 


SPANISH  DERELICTS  «85 

have  been  for  the  past  in  the  management  of  this 
negotiation,"  Adams  reminded  himself.  He  had 
need  of  all  these  qualities  in  the  trying  »nonth.s 
that  followed. 


i 


V 


I, 


I. 


I-  i\ 

^ 

t 

CHAPTER  XIV 


FRAMING   AN   AMKRUAN    I'OLICY 


*      ; 


f 


» 


'-* 


The  decline  and  fall  of  the  Spanish  Empire  does 
not  challenge  the  imagination  like  the  decline  and 
fall  of  that  other  Empire  with  .vhich  alone  it  can 
be  compared,  possibly  because  no  Gibbon  has 
chronicled  its  greatness.     Yet  its  dissolution  af- 
fected profoundly  the  history  of  three  continents. 
While  the  Floridas  were  slipping  from  the  grasp  of 
Spain,  the  provinces  to  the  south  were  wrenching 
themselves  loose,  with  protestations  which  pene- 
trated to  European  chancfliicsi  i   well  ad  lo  Amer- 
ican legislative  halls.     To  Czar  Alexander  and 
Prince  Metternich,  sponsors  for  the  Holy  Alliance 
and  preservers  of  the  peace  of  Europe,  these  decla- 
rations of  independence  contained  the  same  insid- 
ious philosophy  of  revolution   which   they   had 
pledged  themselves  everywhere  to  combat.     To 
simple  American  minds,  the  familiar  words  liberty 
and  independence  in  the  mouths  of  South  American 

iH6 


FRAMING  AN  AMERICAN  POLICY    €87 

patriots  meant  wiml  tluy  had  to  their  own  grand> 
sires,  struggling  to  throw  off  the  shackles  of  British 
imperial  control.  Neiilur  Europe  nor  America, 
however,  knew  the  actual  conditions  in  these  new- 
bo)  republics  below  the  equator;  and  both 
governed  their  conduct  by  their  prepossessions. 

To  the  typically  American  mind  of  II<  nry  Clay, 
now  untrammelcd  by  any  sense  of  responsibility, 
for  he  was  a  free  lance  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives once  more,  the  emancipation  of  South  Amer- 
ica was  a  thrilling  and  sublime  spectiicle  —  "the 
glorious  spectacle  of  eighteen  millions  of  p(>ople 
struggling  to  burst  their  chains  and  to  be  free."    In 
a  memorable  speech  in  1H18  he  had  expressed  the 
firm  conviction  that  there  could  be  but  one  out- 
come to  this  struggle.    Independent  these  South 
American  states  would  be.    Equally  clear  to  his 
mind  was  their  political  destiny.    Whatever  their 
forms  of  govci-nment,  they  would  be  animated  l)y 
an  American  feeling  and  guided  by  an  American 
policy.     "They  will  obey  the  laws  of  the  system 
of  the  new  world,  of  which  they  will  compose  a 
part,  in  contradistinction  to  that  of  Europe."    To 
this  struggle  and  to  this  destiny  the  United  States 
could  not  remain  indifferent.    He  would  not  have 
the  Administration  depart  from  its  policy  of  strict 


I 


1- 


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41 


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.«•}•? 


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j288    JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

and  impartial  neutrality  but  he  would  urge  the 
expediency  —  nay,  the  justice  —  of  recognizing  es- 
tablished governments  in  Spanish  America.  Such 
recognition  was  not  a  breach  of  neutrality,  for  it 
did  not  imply  material  aid  in  the  wars  of  liberation 
but  only  the  moral  sympathy  of  a  great  free  people 
for  their  southern  brethren. 

Contrasted  with  Clay's  glowing  enthusiasm,  the 
attitude  of  the  Administration,  directed  by  the 
prudent  Secretary  of  State,  seemed  cold,  calculat- 
ing, and  rigidly  conventional.  For  his  part,  Adams 
could  see  little  resemblance  between  these  revolu- 
tions in  South  America  and  that  of  1776.  Cer- 
tainly it  had  never  been  disgraced  by  such  acts  of 
buccaneering  and  piracy  as  were  of  everyday  oc- 
currence in  South  American  waters.  The  United 
States  had  contended  for  civil  rights  and  then  for  in- 
dependence; in  South  America  civil  rights  had  been 
ignored  by  all  parties.  He  could  discern  neither  uni- 
ty of  cause  nor  unity  of  effort  in  the  confused 
history  of  recent  struggles  in  South  America;  and 
until  orderly  government  was  achieved,  with  due 
regard  to  fundamental  civil  rights,  he  would  not 
have  the  United  States  swerve  in  the  slightest 
degree  from  the  path  of  strict  neutrality.  Mr. 
Clay,  he  observed  in  his  diary,  had  "mounted  his 


!u 


I 


FRAMLNG  AN  AMERICAN  POLICY     «89 

South  American  great  horse  ...  to  control  or 
overthrow  the  executive." 

President  Monroe,  however,  was  more  impres- 
sionable, m'  •.;  X  t'oponsiv-  to  popular  opinion,  and 
at  this  mcaeiit   (as   t\'c   presidential   year   ap- 
proached) nore  desirous  to  placate  the  opposition. 
He  agreed  with  Adams  that  the  moment  had  not 
come  when  the  United  States  alone  might  safely 
recognize  the  South  American  states,  but  he  be- 
lieved that  concerted  action  by  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain  might  win  recognition  without 
wounding  the  sensibilities  of  Spain.    The  time  was 
surely  not  far  distant  when  Spain  would  welcome 
recognition  as  a  relief  from  an  impoverishing  and 
hopeless  war.  Meanwhile  the  President  coupled  pro- 
fessions of  neutrality  and  expressions  of  sympathy 
for  the  revolutionists  in  every  message  to  Congress. 
The  temporizing  policy  of  the  Administration 
aroused  Clay  to  another  impassioned  plea  for  those 
southern  brethren  whose  hearts  —  despiteall  rebuffs 
from  the  Department  of  State  —  still  turned  to- 
ward the  United  States.     "We  should  become  the 
center  of  a  system  which  would  constitute  the 
rallying  point  of  human  freedom  against  the  despot- 
ism of  the  Old  World.   .    .    .     Why  not  proceed 
to  act  on  our  own  responsibility  and  recognize  these 


fS 


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,   t 


290    JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

governments  as  independent,  instead  of  taking  the 
lead  of  the  Holy  Alliance  in  a  course  which  jeopard- 
izes the  happiness  of  unborn  millions?"  He  dep- 
recated this  deference  to  foreign  pov/ers.  "If 
Lord  Castlereagh  says  we  may  recognize,  we  do; 
if  not,  we  do  not.  .  .  .  Our  institutions  now 
make  us  free;  but  how  long  shall  we  continue  so,  if 
we  mold  oiu*  opinions  on  those  of  Europe?  Let  us 
break  these  commercial  and  political  fetters;  let 
us  no  longer  watch  the  nod  of  any  European  pol- 
itician; let  us  become  real  and  true  Americans,  and 
place  ourselves  at  the  head  of  the  American  system." 
The  question  of  recognition  was  thus  thrust  into 
the  foreground  of  discussion  at  a  most  inopportune 
time.  The  Florida  treaty  had  not  yet  been  ratified, 
for  reasons  best  known  to  His  Majesty  the  King 
of  Spain,  and  the  new  Spanish  Minister,  General 
Vives,  had  just  arrived  in  the  United  States  to  ask 
for  certain  explanations.  The  Administration  had 
every  reason  at  this  moment  to  wish  to  avoid  fur- 
ther causes  of  irritation  to  Spanish  pride.  It  is 
more  than  probable,  indeed,  that  Clay  was  not 
unwilling  to  embarrass  the  President  and  his  Sec- 
retary of  State.  He  still  nursed  his  personal 
grudge  against  the  President  and  he  did  not  dis- 
guise his  hostility  to  the  treaty.    What  aroused 


FRAMING  AN  AMERICAN  POLICY     iOl 

his  resentment  was  the  sacrifice  of  Texas  for  Flori- 
da.   I  lorida  would  have  fallen  to  the  United  States 
eventually  like  ripened  fruit,  he  believed.    Why, 
then,  yield  an  incomparably  richer  and  greater  ter- 
ritory for  that  which  was  bound  to  become  theirs 
whenever  the  American  people  wished  to  take  it.^^ 
But  what  were  the  explanations  which  Vives  de- 
manded .^    Weary  hours  spent  in  conference  with 
the  wily  Spaniard  convinced  Adams  that  the  great 
obstacle  to  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  by  Spain 
had  been  the  conviction  that  the  United  States  was 
only  waiting  ratification  to  recognize  the  inde- 
pendence of  the  Spanish  colonies.     Bitterly  did 
Adams  regret  the  advances  which  he  had  made  to 
Great  Britain,  at  the  instance  of  the  President,  and 
still  more  bitterly  did  he  deplore  those  paragraphs 
in  the  President's  messages  which  had  expressed  an 
all  too  1 1  vmpathy  with  the  aims  of  the  insur- 

gents, h  .  egrets  availed  nothing  and  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  had  to  put  the  best  face  possible  on 
the  policy  of  the  Administration.  He  told  Vives 
in  unmistakable  language  that  the  United  States 
could  not  subscribe  to  **new  engagements  as  the 
price  of  obtaining  the  ratification  of  the  old."  Cer- 
tainly the  '  .ited  States  would  not  comply  with 
the  Spanish  demand  and  pledge  itself  "to  form  no 


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iji-i 


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■''*-■ 


292   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

relations  with  the  pretended  governments  of  the 
revolted  provinces  of  Spain."  As  for  the  royal 
grants  which  De  Onis  had  agreed  to  call  null  and 
void,  if  His  Majesty  insisted  upon  their  validity, 
perhaps  the  United  States  might  acquiesce  for  an 
equivalent  area  west  of  the  Sabine  River.  In  some 
alarm  Vives  made  haste  to  say  that  the  King  did 
not  insist  upon  the  confirmation  of  these  grants. 
In  the  end  he  professed  himself  satisfied  with  Mr. 
Adams's  explanations;  he  would  send  a  messenger 
to  report  to  His  Majesty  and  to  secure  formal 
authorization  to  exchange  ratifications. 

Another  long  period  of  suspense  followed.  The 
Spanish  Cortes  did  not  advise  the  King  to  accept 
the  treaty  until  October;  the  Senate  did  not  re- 
aflSrm  its  ratification  imtil  the  following  February; 
and  it  was  two  years  to  a  day  after  the  signing  of 
the  treaty  that  Adams  and  Vives  exchanged  formal 
ratifications.  Again  Adams  confided  to  the  pages 
of  his  diary,  so  that  posterity  might  read,  the  con- 
viction that  the  hand  of  an  Overruling  Provi- 
dence was  visible  in  this,  the  most  important  event 
of  his  life. 

If,  3"  many  thought,  the  Administration  had  de- 
layed recognition  of  the  South  American  republics 
in  order  not  to  offeLu  Spanish  feelings  while  the 


\. 


FRAMING  AN  AMERICAN  POLICY     293 

Florida  treaty  was  under  consideration,  it  had  now 
no  excuse  for  further  hesitation ;  yet  it  was  not  until 
March  8,  1822.  that  President  Monroe  announced 
to  Congress  his  belief  that  the  time  had  come  when 
those  provinces  of  Spain  which  had  declared  their 
independence  and  were  in  the  enjoyment  of  it 
should  be  formally  recognized.  On  the  19th  of  June 
he  received  the  accredited  charge  d'affaires  of  the 
Republic  of  Colombia. 


The  problem  of  recognition  was  not  the  only 
one  which  the  impending  dissolution  of  the  Spanish 
colonial  empire  left  to  harass  the  Secretary  of  State. 
Just  because  Spain  had  such  vast  territorial  pre- 
tensions and  held  so  little  by  actual  occupation  on 
the  North  American  continent,  there  was  danger 
that  these  shadowy  claims  would  pass  into  the 
hands  of  aggressive  powers  with  the  v.ill  and  re- 
sources to  aggrandize  themselves.  One  day  in  Jan- 
uary, 1821,  while  Adams  was  awaiting  the  outcome 
of  his  conferences  with  Vives,  Stratford  Canning, 
the  British  Minister,  was  announced  at  his  office. 
Canning  came  to  protest  against  what  he  under- 
stood was  the  decision  of  the  United  State^^  to  ex- 
tend its  settlements  at  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 
River.    Adams  replied  thp*:  he  knew  of  no  such 


Hi 
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*  > 


294    JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

detennination;  but  he  deemed  it  very  probable 

that  the  settlements  on  the  Pacific  coast  would  be 

increased.     Canning  expressed  rather  ill-natured 

surprise  at  this  statement,  for  he  conceived  that 

such  a  policy  would  be  a  palpable  violation  of  the 

Convention  of  1818.     Without  replying,  Adams 

rose  from  his  seat  to  procure  a  copy  of  the  treatj 

and  then  read  aloud  the  parts  referring  to  the  joini 

occupation  of  the  Oregon  country.    A  stormy  coHo 

quy  followed  in  which  both  participants  seem  t< 

have  lost  their  tempers.    Next  day  Canning  re 

turned  to  the  attack,  and  Adams  challenged  th< 

British  claim  to  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia 

"Why,"  exclaimed  Canning,  "do  you  not  knot 

that  we  have  a  claim?"    "I  do  not  know"  sau 

Adams,  "what  you  claim  nor  what  you  do  no 

claim.    You  claim  India;  you  claim  Africa;  yoi 

claim  —  "     "  Perhaps,"  said  Canning,  "  a  piece  c 

the  moon."    "No,"  replied  Adams,  "I  have  no 

heard  that  you  claim  exclusively  any  part  of  th 

moon;  but  there  is  not  a  spot  on  this  habitabl 

globe  that  I  could  aflSrm  you  do  not  claim;  an 

there  is  none  which  you  may  not  claim  with  a 

much  color  of  right  as  you  can  have  to  Columbi 

River  or  its  mouth." 

With  equal  sang-froid,  the  Secretary  of  Stat 


FRAMING  AN  AMERICAN  POLICY  295 
met  threatened  aggression  from  another  quarter. 
In  September  of  this  same  year,  the  Czar  issued  a 
ukase  claiming  the  Pacific  coast  as  far  isouth  as  the 
fifty-first  parallel  and  declaring  Bering  Sea  closed 
to  the  commerce  of  other  nations.  Adams  prompt- 
ly refused  to  recognize  these  pretensions  and  de- 
clared to  Baron  de  Tuyll,  the  Russian  Minister, 
"that  we  should  contest  the  right  of  Russia  to  any 
territorial  establishment  on  this  continent,  and 
that  we  should  assume  distinctly  the  principle  that 
the  American  continents  are  no  longer  subjects  for 
any  new  European  colonial  establishments."' 

Not  long  after  this  interview  Adams  was  notified 
by  Baron  Tuyll  that  the  Czar,  in  conformity  with 
the  political  principles  of  the  allies,  had  determined 
in  no  case  whatever  to  receive  any  agent  from  the 
Government  of  the  Republic  of  Colombia  or  from 
any  other  government  which  owed  its  existence  to 
the  recent  events  in  the  New  World.  Adams's  first 
impulse  was  to  pen  a  reply  that  would  show  the 
inconsistency  between  these  political  principles 
and  the  unctuous  professions  of  Christian  duty 
which  had  resounded  in  the  Holy  Alliance;  but  the 

'  Before  Adams  retired  from  oflBce.  he  had  the  satisfaction  of 
concluding  a  treaty  (181^4)  with  Russia  by  which  the  Czar  aban- 
doned his  claims  to  exclusive  jurisdiction  in  Bering  Sea  and  agreed 
to  plant  no  colonies  on  the  Pacific  Coast  south  of  64''  40'. 


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S96   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

note  which  he  drafted  was,  perhaps  fortunately, 
not  dispatched  until  it  had  been  revised  by  Presi- 
dent and  Cabinet  a  month  later,  under  stress  of 
other  circumstances. 

At  still  another  focal  point  the  interests  of  the 
United  States  ran  counter  to  the  covetous  desires  of 
European  powers.    Cuba,  the  choicest  of  the  prov- 
inces of  Spain,  still  remained  nominally  loyal; 
but,  should  the  hold  of  Spain  upon  this  Pearl  of  the 
Antilles  relax,  every  maritime  power  would  swoop 
do\^-n  upon  it.    The  immediate  danger,  however, 
was  not  that  revolution  would  here  as  elsewhere 
sever  the  province  from  Spain,  leaving  it  helpless 
and  incapable  of  self-support,  but  that  France, 
after  invading  Spain  and  restoring  the  monarchy, 
would  also  intervene  in  the  affairs  of  her  provinces. 
The  transfer  of  Cuba  to  France  by  the  grateful 
King  was  a  possibility  which  haunted  the  dreams  of 
George  Canning  at  Westminster  as  well  as  of  John 
Quincy  Adams  at  Washington.    The  British  For- 
eign Minister  attempted  to  secure  a  pledge  from 
France  that  she  would  not  acquire  any  Spanish- 
American  territory  either  by  conquest  or  by  treaty, 
while  the  Secretary  of  State  instructed  the  Ameri- 
can Minister  to  Spain  not  to  conceal  from  the 
Spanish   Government   "the   repugnance   of   the 


m 


■  i 


FRAMING  AN  AMERICAN  POLICY     897 

United  States  to  the  transfer  of  the  Island  of  Cuba 
by  Spain  to  any  other  power."  Canning  was  equal- 
ly fearful  lest  the  United  States  should  occupy 
Cuba  and  he  would  have  welcomed  assurances  that 
it  had  no  designs  upon  the  island.  Had  he  known 
precisely  the  attitude  of  Adams,  he  would  have 
been  still  mo  uneasy,  for  Adams  was  |)erfectly 
sure  that  Cal  belonged  "by  the  laws  of  political 
as  well  as  of  physical  gravitation"  to  the  North 
American  continent,  though  he  wa.-  not  for  the 
present  ready  to  assist  the  operation  of  political 
.»nd  physical  laws. 

Events  were  inevitably  detaching  Great  Britain 
from  the  concert  of  Europe  and  putting  her  in  op- 
position to  the  policy  of  intervention,  both  because 
of  what  it  meant  in  Spain  and  what  it  might  mean 
when  applied  to  the  New  World.  Knowing  that  the 
United  States  shared  these  latter  apprehensions, 
George  Canning  conceived  that  the  two  countries 
might  join  in  a  declaration  against  any  project  by 
any  European  j)ower  for  subjugating  the  colonies 
of  South  America  either  on  behalf  or  in  the  name  of 
Spain.  He  ventured  to  ask  Richard  Rush,  Amer- 
ican Minister  at  London,  what  his  government 
would  say  to  such  a  proposal.  For  his  part  he  was 
quite  willing  to  state  publicly  that  he  believed  the 


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*       I 


298  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

recovery  of  the  colonies  by  Spain  to  be  hopeless; 
that  recognition  of  their  independence  was  only  a 
question  of  proper  time  and  circumstance;  that 
Great  Britain  did  not  aim  at  the  possession  of  any 
of  them,  though  she  could  not  be  indifferent  to 
their  transfer  to  any  other  power.  "  If."  said  Can- 
ning, "these  opinions  and  feelings  are,  as  I  firmly 
believe  them  to  be,  common  to  your  government 
with  oiu-s,  why  should  we  hesitate  mutually  to  con- 
fide them  to  each  other ;  and  to  declare  them  in  the 
face  of  the  world?" 

Why,  indeed  ?  To  Rush  there  occurred  one  good 
and  sufficient  answer,  which,  however,  he  could  not 
make:  he  doubted  the  disinterestedness  of  Great 
Britain.  He  could  only  reply  that  he  would  not 
feel  justified  in  assummg  the  responsibility  for  a 
joint  declaration  unless  Great  Britain  would  first 
unequivocally  recognize  the  South  American  re- 
publics; and,  when  Canning  balked  at  the  sugges- 
tion, he  could  only  repeat,  in  as  conciliatory  man- 
ner as  possible,  his  reluctance  to  enter  into  any 
engagement.  Not  once  only  but  three  times  Can- 
ning repeated  his  overtm-es,  even  urging  Rush  to 
write  home  for  powers  and  instructions. 

The  dispatches  of  Rush  seemed  so  important  to 
President  Monroe  that  he  sent  copies  of  them  to 


>!w 


FRAMING  AN  AMi.  :ICAN  POUCY  i<89 
Jefferson  and  Madison,  with  the  query  —  which 
repealed  his  own  attitude  —  whtthtT  the  moment 
had  not  arrived  when  the  Utiitod  States  might 
safely  depart  from  its  traditional  polity  and  meet 
the  proposal  of  the  British  Cioverunient.  If  there 
was  one  principle  which  ran  consistently  through 
the  devious  foreign  policy  of  Jeiferson  and  Madi- 
son, it  was  that  of  political  isolation  from  Europe. 
"Our  first  and  fundamental  maxim,"  Jefferson 
wrote  in  reply,  harking  back  to  the  old  formulas, 
"should  be  never  to  entangle  ourselves  in  the  broils 
of  Europe,  our  second  never  to  suffer  Europe  to 
intermeddle  with  Cis-Atlantic  affairs."  He  then 
continued  in  this  wise: 

America,  North  and  South,  has  a  set  of  interests 
distinct  from  those  of  Europe,  and  peculiarly  her  own. 
She  should  therefore  have  a  system  of  her  own,  sepa- 
rate and  apart  from  that  of  Europe.  While  the  last  is 
laboring  to  become  the  donjicile  of  despotism,  our  en- 
deavor should  surely  be,  to  make  our  hemisphere  that 
of  freedom.  One  nation,  most  of  all,  could  disturb  us 
in  this  pursuit;  she  now  offers  to  lead,  aid,  and  accom- 
pany us  in  it.  By  acceding  to  her  proposition,  we  de- 
tach her  from  the  band  of  despots,  bring  her  mighty 
weight  into  the  scale  of  free  government  and  emanci- 
pate a  continent  at  one  stroke  which  might  otherwise 
linger  long  in  doubt  and  difficulty.  ...  1  am 
clearly  of  Mr.  Canning's  opinion,  that  it  will  prevent. 


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800  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

instend  of  provoking  war.  With  Cireut  Britain  with- 
drawn from  thvir  fU'ule  uud  shifted  into  thut  of  our 
two  contincntH,  ull  Kuro|>«  cuinhined  would  not  under- 
take such  a  war.  .  .  .  Nor  is  the  ot-oasion  to  he 
Bli){hted  which  this  proposition  offers,  of  declaring  our 
protest  atj^ainst  the  atnx-ious  violations  of  the  ri);hts  of 
nations,  by  the  interference  of  any  one  in  the  internal 
affairs  of  another,  s«>  tlHf,'iti«»uHly  l>e);un  l»y  Buonaparte. 
and  now  continued  hy  the  equally  lawless  alliance, 
calling  itself  Holy. 

Madison  argu«'d  the  case  with  more  reserve  but 
arri"edat  the  same  conclusion :  *'  'i'here  ought  not  to 
be  any  ba'jkwardness  therefore,  I  tliink,  in  meeting 
her  [England]  in  the  way  she  has  proposed."  The 
dispatches  of  Rush  produced  a  very  different  effect, 
however,  upon  the  Secretary  of  State,  wliose  tem- 
perament fed  upon  suspicion  and  who  now  found 
plenty  of  food  for  thought  both  in  what  Rush  siiid 
and  in  what  he  did  not  say.  Obviously  Canning 
was  seeking  a  definite  compact  with  the  United 
States  against  the  designs  of  the  allies,  not  out  of 
any  altruistic  motive  but  for  selfish  ends.  Great 
Britain,  Ru.sh  had  written  bluntly,  had  as  little 
sympathy  with  popular  rights  as  it  had  on  the  field 
of  Lexington.  It  was  bent  on  preventing  France 
from  making  conquests,  not  on  making  South 
America  free.    J  ust  so,  Adams  reasoned :    Canning 


I* 


FRAMINC;  AN  AMERICAN  miJCY  SOI 
dpslrt's  »o  svvwv  from  \hr  TnitrW  Si.itfs  a  publir 
plcdf^c  "ostrnsihly  iijjiiinsl  tlu>  forcihlr  int«'rf«T«'nro 
of  Ihr  Holy  Alliancr  iMtwicri  Spain  ami  South 
Ammoa:  hut  rrally  or  «'.s|M'cially  against  tin-  ac- 
quisition to  tlu'  VniUnl  Slatfs  tlu-msi'lvcs  of  any 
part  of  t\w  Spanish-Amorifan  posscssiiins."  By 
joining  with  Great  Britain  wr  wouM  givi*  Imt  u 
"snhsluntial  and  inrhaps  inconvcnit'nt  pledge 
against  ourselves,  and  really  obtain  nothing  in  re- 
turn." He  believed  that  it  wouhl  be  more  eandid 
and  more  dignifiecl  to  decline  Canning's  overtures 
and  to  avow  our  principles  explicitly  to  Russia  and 
France.  For  his  part  he  did  not  wish  the  United 
States  "to  come  in  as  a  cock-boat  in  the  wake  of 
the  British  man-of-war!" 

Thus  Adams  argued  in  the  .sessions  of  the  Cabi- 
net, (juile  ignorant  of  the  correspondence  which 
had  passed  between  the  President  and  his  mentors. 
Confident  of  his  ability  to  handle  the  situation,  he 
asked  no  more  congenial  task  than  to  draft  replies 
to  Baron  Tuyll  and  to  Canning  and  instructions  to 
the  ministers  at  London,  St.  Petersburg,  and  Paris; 
but  he  impressed  upon  Monroe  the  necessity  of 
making  all  these  communications  "part  of  a  com- 
bined system  of  policy  and  adapted  to  each  other." 
Not  so  easily,  however,  was  the  President  detached 


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302  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
from  the  influence  of  the  two  Virginia  oracles.  He 
took  sharp  exception  to  the  letter  which  Adams 
drafted  in  reply  to  Baron  Tuyll,  saying  that  he 
desired  to  refrain  from  any  expressions  which 
would  irritate  the  Czar;  and  thus  turned  what  was 
to  be  an  emphatic  declaration  of  principles  into 
what  Adams  called  "the  tamest  of  state  papers." 

The  Secretary's  draft  of  instructions  to  Rush  had 
also  to  run  the  gauntlet  of  amendment  by  the  Presi- 
dent and  his  Cabinet;  but  it  emerged  substantially 
unaltered  in  content  and  purpose.  Adams  pro- 
fessed to  find  common  ground  with  Great  Britain, 
while  pointing  out  with  much  subtlety  that  if  she 
believed  the  recovery  of  the  colonies  by  Spain  was 
really  hopeless,  she  was  under  moral  obligation  to 
recognize  them  as  independent  states  and  to  favor 
only  such  an  adjustment  between  them  and  the 
mother  country  as  was  consistent  with  the  fact  of 
mdependence.  The  United  States  was  in  perfect 
accord  with  the  principles  laid  down  by  Mr.  Can- 
ning: it  desired  none  of  the  Spanish  possessions  for 
itself  but  it  could  not  see  with  indiflFerence  any  por- 
tion of  them  transferred  to  any  other  power.  Nor 
could  the  United  States  see  with  indifference  "any 
attempt  by  one  or  more  powers  of  Europe  to  restore 
those  new  states  to  the  crown  of  Spain,  or  to  deprive 


FRAMING  AN  AMERICAN  POLICY     803 

them,  in  any  manner  whatever,  of  the  freedom  and 
independence  which  they  have  acquired."  But, 
for  accomplishing  the  purposes  which  the  two 
governments  had  in  common  — and  here  the 
masterful  Secretar  r  of  State  had  his  own  way  —  it 
was  advisable  th^^  ihey  should  act  separately,  each 
making  such  representations  to  the  continental 
allies  as  circumstances  dictated. 

Further  communications  from  Baron  Tuyll  gave 
Adams  the  opportunity,  which  he  had  once  lost,  of 
enunciating  the  principles  underlying  American 
policy.    In  a  masterly  paper  dated  November  27, 
1823,  he  adverted  to  the  declaration  of  the  allied 
monarchs  that  they  would  never  compound  with 
revolution  but  would  forcibly  interpose  to  guarantee 
the  tranquillity  of  civilized  states.   In  such  declara- 
Uons  "the  President,"  wrote  Adams,  "wishes  to 
perceive  sentiments,  the  application  of  which  is 
limited,  and  intended  in  their  results  to  be  limited 
to  the  affairs  of  Europe.  .    .    .     The  United  States 
of  America,  and  their  government,  could  not  see 
with  indifference,  the  forcible  interposition  of  any 
European  Power,  other  than  Spain,  either  to  re- 
store the  dominion  of  Spain  over  hvv  emancipated 
Colonies  in  America,  or  to  establish  Monarchical 
Governments  in  those  Countries,  or  to  transfer 


:ii 


11. 


I 


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f 


'11 


&      5        * 


304   JEFFERSON  AND  HIJ^  COLLEAGUES 

any  of  the  possessions  heretofore  or  yet  subject  to 
Spain  in  the  American  Hemisphere,  to  any  othei 
European  Power." 

But  so  Httle  had  the  President  even  yet  grasped 
the  wide  sweep  of  the  policy  which  his  Secretary  o) 
State  was  framing  that,  when  he  read  to  the  Cabi 
net  a  first  draft  of  his  annual  message,  he  expressec 
his  pointed  disapprobation  of  the  invasion  of  Spaii 
by  France  and  urged  an  acknowledgment  of  Grcec< 
as  an  independent  nation.  This  declaration  was 
as  Adams  remarked,  a  call  to  arms  against  all  Eu 
rope.  And  once  again  he  urged  the  President  t( 
refrain  from  any  utterance  ^  '  ich  might  be  con 
strued  as  a  pretext  for  reta'  '^n  by  the  allies 
If  they  meant  to  provoke  a  qr  rr  '  with  the  Unitec 
States,  the  administration  mii.  meet  it  and  no 
invite  it.  "If  they  intend  now  to  interpose  bj 
force,  we  shall  have  as  much  as  we  can  do  to  pre 
vent  them,"  said  he,  "without  going  to  bid  then 
defiance  in  the  heart  of  Europe."  "  The  ground  ] 
wish  to  take,"  he  continued,  "is  that  of  earnest  re 
monstrance  against  the  interference  of  the  Euro 
pean  powers  by  force  with  South  America,  but  t< 
disclaim  all  interference  on  our  part  with  Europe 
to  make  an  American  cause  and  adhere  inflexibly  t( 
that."    In  the  end  Adams  had  his  way  and  th< 


p 


i" 


11 


:^dME8  MADISON.  AOED  «f 
,  ««iP»t6|g  by  T.  B.  Welch  «/t«r  •  <h«wiag  faoa  Ufo  bv  J  B 
«/  DkttHfuUSM  dmiric^n,.  ^  *-<»«-'  i-^"*^  «•«.»» 


r 


n 


r 


f 


fl    ' 


h'Mv't  , 


.1 


♦  •  I,'*  ■• 


11  . 

1  . 


FRAMING  AN  AMERICAN  POUCY     805 

President  revised  the  paragraphs  deah'ng  with 
foreign  affairs  so  as  to  make  them  conform  to 
Adams's  desires. 

No  one  who  reads  the  message  which  President 
Monroe  sent  to  Congress  on  December  2, 1823,  can 
fail  to  observe  that  the  paragraphs  which  have 
an  enduring  significance  as  declarations  of  policy 
are  anticipated  in  the  masterly  state  papers  of 
the  Secretary  of  State.     Alluding  to  the  differences 
with  Russia  in  the  Pacific  Northwest,  the  President 
repeated  the  principle  which  Adams  had  stated  to 
Baron  Tuyll : "  The  occasion  has  been  judged  proper 
for  asserting,  as  a  principle  in  which  the  rights  and 
interests  of  the  United  States  are  involved,  that  the 
American  continents,  by  the  free  and  independent 
condition  which  they  have  assumed  and  maintain, 
are  henceforth  not  to  be  considered  as  subjects 
for  future  colonization  by  any  European  powers." 
And  the  vital  principle  of  abstention  from  Euro- 
pean affairs  and  of  adherence  to  a  distinctly  Amer- 
ican system,  for  which  Adams  had  contended  so 
stubbornly,  found  memorable  expression  in  the 
following  paragraph: 

In  the  wars  of  the  European  powers  in  matters  relat- 
ing to  themselves  we  have  never  taken  any  part,  nor 
does  it  comport  with  our  policy  so  to  do.  It  is  only  when 


u 


h 


ni 


.1 


ill 


;,  a 


i| 

l1 

H', 

<    ., 

■^ 

B 

Vj   |! 


.  V' 


:           ^ 

■  :  #  1 

V^ ' 

■',*'  > 

'  J.'  ^  .- 

■   \ 

\ 

'  ' 

1 

■ 

306  JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

our  rights  ure  invaded  or  seriously  menaced  thai  wc 
resent  injuries  or  make  preparations  for  our  defense. 
With  the  movements  in  this  hemisphere  we  are  ol 
necessity  more  immediately  connected,  and  by  cause: 
which  must  be  obvious  to  all  enlightened  and  impartial 
observers.  The  political  system  of  the  allied  powers 
is  essentially  different  in  this  respect  from  that  ol 
America.  This  difference  proceeds  from  that  whicl 
exists  in  their  respective  Governments;  and  to  the  de 
fense  of  our  own,  which  has  htsn  achieved  by  the  loss 
of  so  much  blood  and  treasure,  and  matured  by  th< 
wisdom  of  their  most  enlightened  citizens,  and  undei 
which  we  have  enjoyed  unexampled  felicity,  this  whoh 
nation  is  devoted.  We  owe  it,  therefore,  to  candor  ant 
to  the  amicable  relations  existing  between  the  Unitet 
States  and  those  powers  to  declare  that  we  should  con 
sider  any  attempt  on  their  part  to  extend  their  systen 
to  any  portion  of  this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  oui 
peace  and  safety.  With  the  existing  colonies  and  de 
pendencies  of  any  European  power  we  have  not  inter 
fered  and  shall  not  interfere.  But  with  the  Govern 
ments  who  have  declared  their  independence  an( 
maintained  it,  and  whose  independence  we  have,  or 
great  consideration  and  on  just  principles,  acknowl 
edged,  we  could  not  view  any  interposition  for  th( 
purpose  of  oppressing  them,  or  controlling  in  any  othe: 
manner  their  destiny,  by  any  European  power  in  anj 
other  light  than  as  the  manifestation  of  an  unfriendly 
disposition  toward  the  United  States. 

Later  generations  have  read  strange  meaning: 
into  Monroe's  message,  and  have  elevated  into  i 


-^^ — 


^ 


FRAMING  AN  AMERICAN  POLICY  307 
"doctriiie"  those  ileclarutions  of  polity  which  hud 
only  an  immediute  application.  With  the  inter- 
pretations and  applications  of  a  later  day,  this  book 
has  nothmg  to  do.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  President 
Monroe  and  his  advisers  accomplished  their  pur- 
poses; and  the  evidence  that  they  were  successful 
is  contained  in  a  letter  which  Richard  Rush  WTote 
to  the  Secretary  of  State,  on  December  27,  1823: 

But  the  most  decisive  blow  to  all  despotick  interfer- 
ence with  the  new  States  is  that  which  it  has  received 
in  the  President's  Message  at  the  opening  of  Congress. 
It  was  looked  for  here  with  extraordinary  interest  at 
this  juncture,  and  I  have  heard  that  the  British  packet 
which  left  New  York  the  beginning  of  this  month  was 
mstructed  to  wait  for  it  and  bring  it  over  with  all 
speed.  ...  On  its  publicity  in  London  ...  the 
credit  of  all  the  Spanish  American  securities  imme- 
diately rose,  and  the  question  of  the  final  and  complete 
safety  of  the  new  States  from  all  European  coercion, 
is  now  considered  as  at  rest. 


*f- 


H 


I 

i: 

f 


'^:' 


T 


CHAPTER  XV 


THE   END  OF  jxS   ERA 


n\' 


w 


,  f 


if 


\ 

■ 

I  ■ 

t 

' 

It  was  in  the  midst  of  the  diplomatic  contest  for 
the  Floridas  that  James  Monroe  was  for  the  second 
time  elected  to  the  Presidency,  with  singularly 
little  display  of  partisanship.  This  time  all  the 
electoral  votes  but  one  were  cast  for  him.  Of  all 
the  Presidents  only  George  Washington  has  re- 
ceived a  unanimous  vote;  and  to  Monroe,  therefore, 
belongs  the  distinction  of  standing  second  to  the 
Father  of  his  Country  in  the  vote  of  electors.  The 
single  vote  which  Monroe  failed  to  get  fell  to  his 
Secretary  of  State,  John  Quincy  /  ^ams.  It  is  a 
circumstance  of  some  interest  that  r  father  of  the 
Secretary,  old  John  Adams,  so  fa*  ergot  his  Feder- 
alist antecedents  that  he  served  as  Republican 
elector  in  Massachusetts  and  cast  his  vote  for 
James  Monroe.  Never  since  parties  emerged  in  the 
second  administration  of  Washington  had  such 
extraordinary  unanimity  prevailed. 

308 


l? 


i  HE  END  OP  AN  ERA  S09 

Across  this  scene  of  political  harmony,  however, 
the  Missouri  controversy  cast  the  specter-like 
shadow  of  slavery.  For  the  moment,  and  often  in 
after  years,  it  seemed  inevitable  that  parties  would 
spring  into  new  vigor  following  sectional  lines.  All 
patriots  were  genuinely  alarmed.  "This  momen- 
tous question,"  wrote  Jefferson,  "like  a  fire  bell  in 
the  night,  awakened  and  filled  me  with  terror.  I 
considered  it  at  once  as  the  knell  of  the  Union.  It 
is  hushed,  indeed,  for  the  moment.  But  this  is  a 
reprieve  only,  not  a  final  sentence." 

What  Jefferson  termed  a  reprieve  was  the  settle- 
ment of  the  Missouri  question  by  the  compromise 
of  1820.    To  the  demands  of  the  South  that  Mis- 
souri should  be  admitted  into  the  Union  as  a  slave 
State,  with  the  constitution  of  her  choice,  the 
North  yielded,  on  condition  that  the  rest  of  the 
Louisiana  Purchase  north  of  36'' 30'  should  be  for- 
ever free.     Henceforth  slaveholders  might  enter 
Missouri  and  the  rest  of  the  old  province  of  Loui- 
siana below  her  southern  boundary  line,  but  beyond 
this  line,  into  the  greater  Northwest,  they  might 
not  take  their  human  chattels.     To  this  act  of 
settlement  President  Monroe  gave  his  assent,  for 
he  believed  that  further  controversy  would  shake 
the  Union  to  its  very  foundations. 


^1 


i  5 
I  i 


fl 


11' [ 

M 


f 


;•'« 


i  J 


."c 


i  } 


810   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

With  the  angry  criminations  and  recrimination: 
of  Vurth  and  South  ringing  in  his  ears,  Jeffersoi 


had  li 

Wl'   t 

•Ml'. . 


i '  lt»  fuith  in  the  permanency  of  such  a  settle 
\  geographicul  line,"  said  he,  "coinciding 
•1.  irked  principle,  moral  and  political,  onc< 
vt  '  and  held  up  to  the  angry  passions  of  men 
\  ili  j»<  'i  1  be  obliterated;  and  ever\  new  irritatior 
fvT!'  II..  -1.  it  de-'n"r  and  deeper."  And  Madison 
\}ii\ .  !v  O';'  •  ic  about  the  future  of  his  beloved 
CO,  ntr>  i  .'  ilfc,ed  only  the  gloomiest  fitrebodings 
abo'it  sl»  > !  Both  the  ex-Presidents  took  what 

co'nfort  they  .  juld  in  projects  of  emancipntion  and 
d'>portation.  Jefferson  would  have  had  slavehold- 
ers yield  up  slaves  born  after  a  certain  date  to  the 
guardianship  of  the  State,  which  would  then  pro- 
vide for  their  removal  to  Santo  Domingo  at  a 
proper  age.  Madison  took  heart  at  the  prospect 
opened  up  by  the  Colonization  Society  which  he 
trusted  would  eventually  end  "this  dreadful  calam- 
ity" of  human  slavery.  Fc.tunately  for  their 
peace  of  mind,  neither  lived  to  see  these  frail  hopes 
dashed  to  pieces. 

Signs  were  not  wanting  that  statesmen  of  the 
Virginia  school  were  not  to  be  leaders  in  the  new 
era  which  was  dawning.  On  several  occasions  both 
Madison  and  Monroe  had  shown  themselves  out 


THE  KM)  OF  AN  ERA 


of  touch  with  th 
Their  fwint  of  viV 


•111 


If  newer  currents  of  national  hf».. 
w  was  that  of  th*-  einxh  which  h,- 


gan  with  the  French  Revohition  and  .nciecl  with 
th.-  overthrow  of  XapoU-on  an.i  the  pacification  ..f 
Europe.    Inevitably  fon-ign  affairs  had  uhs„rl„.c| 
their  best  thought.     To  maintain  national  in.le- 
[H-ndence  against  foreign  aggression  had  hrm  th.  fr 
constant  purpose,  whc-ther  the  menace  cam.,  fro.n 
Nap..leon's  designs  upon  Louisiana,  or  f re-..  British 
disregard  of  neutral  rights,  or  from  Spau--',  help, 
lessness  on  the  frontiers  of  her  Empire.    But  now 
with  political  and  commercial   indept^denci.  as' 
sured,  a  new  direcfion  was  imparted  to  national 
endeavor.    America  made  a  volte-face  an<i  turned 
to  the  setting  sun. 

During  the  second  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury every  ounce  of  national  vitality  xvont  inf.,  tl... 
conquest  and  settlement  of  the  Mississir)f,i  VaJh-y 
Once  more  at  peace  with  the  world,  American,  sit 
themselves  to  the  solution  of  the  problems  whici, 
grew  out  of  this  vast  migration  from  the  Atlantic 
seaboard  to  the  interior.    These  were  problenn  of 
territorial  organization,  of  distribution  of  publif 
lands,  of  inland  trade,  of  highways  am\  nater- 
ways,  of  revenue  and  appropriation  -  problems 
that  focused  in  the  offices  of  the  Secretaries  of 


h  Y  , 

■'  ■   ■   ■  <,         i,  ;i 

:i 


if 


rT^ 


312   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

the  Treasury  and  of  War.    And  lurking  behind  all 
was  the  specter  of  slavery  and  sectionalism. 

To  impatient  homeseekers  who  crossed  the  Alle- 
ghanies,  it  never  occurred  to  question  the  com- 
petence of  the  Federal  Government  to  meet  all 
their  wants.  That  the  Government  at  Washington 
should  construct  and  maintain  highways,  improve 
and  facilitate  the  navigation  of  inland  waterways, 
seemed  a  most  reasonable  expectation.  What  else 
was  government  for?  But  these  proposed  activi- 
ties did  not  seem  so  obviously  legitimate  to  Presi- 
dents of  the  Virginia  Dynasty;  not  so  readily  could 
they  waive  constitutional  scruples.  Madison  felt 
impelled  to  veto  a  bill  for  constructing  roads  and 
canals  and  improving  waterways  because  he  could 
find  nowhere  in  the  Constitution  any  specific  au- 
thority for  the  Federal  Government  to  embark  on  a 
policy  of  internal  improvements.  His  last  message 
to  Congress  set  forth  his  objections  in  detail  and 
was  designed  to  be  his  farewell  address.  He  would 
rally  his  party  once  more  around  the  good  old 
Jeffersonian  doctrines.  Monroe  felt  similar  doubts 
when  he  was  presented  with  a  bill  to  authorize  the 
collection  of  tolls  on  the  new  Cumberland  Road. 
In  a  veto  message  of  prodigious  length  he,  too, 
harked  back  to  the  original  Republican  principle  of 


-.  A  i 


1 


THE  END  OF  AN  ERA  313 

strict  construction  of  the  Constitution.  The  leader- 
ship which  the  Virginians  thus  refused  to  take  fell 
soon  to  men  of  more  resolute  character  who  would 
not  let  the  dead  hand  of  legalism  stand  between 
them  and  their  hearts'  desires. 

It  is  one  of  the  ironies  of  American  history  that 
the  settlement  of  the  Mississippi  Valley  and  of  the 
Gulf  plams  brought  acute  pecuniary  distress  to  the 
three  great  Virginians  who  had  bent  all  their  ener- 
gies  to  acquire  these  vast  domains.    The  lure  of 
virgin  soil  drew  men  and  women  in  ever  increasing 
numbers  from  the  seaboard  States.    Farms  that 
had  once  sufficed  were  cast  recklessly  on  the  market 
to  bring  what  they  w  uld,  while  their  owners 
staked  their  claims  on  new  soil  at  a  dollar  anl  a 
quarter  an  acre.     Depreciation  of  land  values 
necessarily  followed  in  States  like  Virginia;  and  the 
three  ex-Presidents  soon  found  themselves  land- 
poor.    In  common  with  other  planters,  they  had 
invested  their  surplus  capital  in  land,  only  to  find 
themselves  unable  to  market  their  crops  in  the  try- 
ing  days  of  the  Embargo  and  Non-Intercourse  Acts. 
They  had  suffered  heavy  losses  from  the  British 
blockade  during  the  war.  and  they  had  not  fully 
recovered  from  these  reverses  when  the  general  fall 


M 


A; 


*  1 


i      i 


fl 


V' 


Hi 


814   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 
of  prices  came  in  1819.    Believing  that  they  were 
facing  only  a  temporary  condition,  they  met  their 
difficulties  by  financial  expedients  which  in  the  end 
could  only  add  to  their  burdens. 

A  general  reluctance  to  change  their  manner  of 
life  and  to  practice  an  intensive  agriculture  with 
diversified  crops  contributed,  no  doubt,  to  the  gen- 
eral depression  of  planters  in  the  Old  Dominion. 
Jefferson  at  Monticello,  Madison  at  Montpelier, 
and  to  a  lesser  extent  Monroe  at  Oak  Hill,  main- 
tained their  old  establishments  and  still  dispensed 
a  lavish  Southern  hospitality,  which  indeed  they 
could  hardly  avoid.    A  former  President  is  forever 
condemned  to  be  a  public  character.   All  kept  open 
house  for  their  friends,  and  none  could  bring  himself 
to  close  his  door  to  strangers,  even  when  curiosity 
was  the  sole  motive  for  intrusion.    Sorely  it  must 
have  tried  the  soul  of  Mrs.  Randolph  to  find  ac- 
commodations at  Monticello  for  fifty  uninvited  and 
unexpected  guests.    Mrs.  Margaret  Bayard  Smith, 
who  has  left  lively  descriptions  of  life  at  Montpelier, 
was  once  one  of  twenty-three  guests.     When  a 
friend  commented  on  the  circumstance  that  no  less 
than  nine  strange  horses  were  feeding  in  the  sta- 
bles at  Montpelier,  Madison  remarked  somewhat 
grimly  that   he  was  delighted  with  the  society 


I 


THE  END  OF  AN  ERA 


815 


same 


of  the  owners  but  could  not  confess  to  t 
enthusiasm  at  the  presence  of  their  horses. 

Both  Jefferson  and  Madison  were  victims  of  the 
mdiscretion  of  others.   Madison  was  obhged  to  pay 
the  debts  of  a  son  of  Mrs.  Madison  by  her  first 
marriage  and  became  so  financially  embarrassed 
that  he  was  forced  to  ask  President  Biddle  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States  for  a  long  loan  of  six  thou- 
sand dollars  -  only  to  suffer  the  humiliation  of  a 
refusal.    He  had  then  to  part  with  some  of  his  lands 
at  a  great  sacrifice,  but  he  retained  Montpelier  and 
continued  to  reside  there,  though  in  reduced  cir- 
cumstances, until  his  death  in  1836.    At  about  the 
same  time  Jefferson  received  what  he  called  his 
coup  de  grdce.    He  had  endorsed  a  note  of  twenty 
thousand  dollars  for  Governor  Wilson  C.  Nicholas 
and  upon  his  becoming  insolvent  was  held  to  the 
full  amount  of  the  note.    His  only  assets  were  his 
lands  which  would  bring  only  a  fifth  of  their  former 
price.    To  sell  on  these  ruinous  terms  was  to  im- 
poverish himself  and  his  family.    His  distress  was 
pathetic.    In  desperation  he  applied  to  the  Legis- 
lature for  permission  to  sell  his  property  bv  lottery; 
but  he  was  spared  this  last  humiliation  by  the 
timely  aid  of  friends,  who  started  popular  sub- 
scriptmns  to  relieve  his  distress.    Monroe  was  less 


1 


I  I 


i 


"I1 


316   JEFFERSON  AND  HIS  COLLEAGUES 

fortunate,  for  he  was  obliged  to  sell  Oak  Hill  and  to 
leave  Old  Virginia  forever.  He  died  in  New  York 
City  on  tht  Fourth  of  July,  1831. 

The  latter  years  of  Jcflferson's  life  were  cheered 
by  the  renewal  of  his  old  friendship  with  John 
Adams,  now  in  retirement  at  Quincy.  Full  of 
pleasant  reminiscence  are  the  letters  which  passed 
between  them,  and  full  too  of  allusions  to  the  pass- 
ing show.  Neither  had  lost  all  interest  in  politics, 
but  both  viewed  events  with  the  quiet  contempla- 
tion of  old  men.  Jefferson  was  absorbed  to  the  end 
in  his  )ast  great  hobby,  the  university  that  was 
slowly  taking  bodily  form  four  miles  away  across 
the  valley  from  Monticello.  When  bodily  infirmi- 
ties would  not  permit  him  to  ride  so  far,  he  would 
watch  the  workmen  through  a  telescope  mounted 
on  one  of  the  terraces.  "  Crippled  wrists  and  fin- 
gers make  writing  slow  and  laborious,"  he  wrote  to 
Adams.  "  But  while  writing  to  you,  I  lose  the  sense 
of  these  things  in  the  recollection  of  ancient  times, 
when  youth  and  health  made  happiness  out  of 
everything.  I  forget  for  a  while  the  hoary  winter  of 
age,  when  we  can  think  of  nothing  but  how  to  keep 
ourselves  warm,  and  how  to  get  rid  of  our  heavy 
hours  until  the  friendly  hand  of  death  shall  rid  us 
of  all  at  once.     Against  this  tedium  vitcc,  however, 


~T 


THE  END  OF  AN  ERA  S17 

I  am  fortunately  mounted  on  a  hobby,  which,  in- 
deed, I  should  have  better  managed  some  thirty 
or  forty  years  ago;  but  whose  easy  amble  is  still 
sufficient  to  give  exercise  and  amusement  to  an 
octogenary  rider.    This  is  the  establishment  of  a 
University."    Alluding  to  certain  published  letters 
which  revived  old  controversies,  he  begged  his  old 
friend  not  to  allow  his  peace  of  mind  to  be  shaken 
"It  would  be  strange  indeed,  if,  at  our  years,  we 
were  to  go  back  an  age  to  hunt  up  imaginary  or 
forgotten  facts,  to  disturb  the  repose  of  affections 
so  sweetening  to  the  evening  of  our  lives." 

As  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  approached.  Jefferson  and  Adams 
were  besought  to  take  part  in  the  celebration  which 
was  to  be  held  in  Philadelphia.    The  infirmities  of 
age  rested  too  heavily  upon  them  to  permit  their 
journeying  so  far;  but  they  consecrated  the  day 
anew  with  their  lives.    At  noon,  on  the  Fourth  of 
July.  1826.  while  the  Liberty  Bell  was  again  sound- 
ing Its  old  message  to  the  people  of  Philadelphia, 
the  soul  of  Thomas  Jefferson  passed  on;  and  a  few 
hours  later  John  Adams  entered  into  rest,  with  the 
name  of  his  old  friend  upon  his  lips . 


%M 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE 
GENERAL  WORKS 

M?M    /u     '"°'  ^''^^'^^'  and  Monroe:    John  B 
McMaster  has  stressed  the  social  and  economic  as^t 

&chouIer  has  dwelt  upon  the  political  and  constit,. 

t^Lml  ^T^'^'on;  Woodrow  Wilson  h^f 
ilTess  a l"''oryJtheAmencan  People  which  indeed 
•s  less  a  history  than  a  brilliant  essay  on  historv-  Her 

.l«Z  /*r  ^^  '"^"y  P''*^^  «f  national  life,  to  the 
closeofthesecondwarwithEngland.  To the^ general 
bistorts  should  be  added  The  American  A'aZ^edTted 
by  Albert  Bushnell  Hart,  three  volumes  of  wh^an 

Xp/f '"'""""  ^y'*'"^  ^^906);  K.  C.  Babcock's 
The  Rise  of  A  merican  Xationalitv  (1906)  •  P  it. 
Rise  of  the  New  West  (1906)  ^'        '  ^"™*"' 

319 


t\ 


HO 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE 


m  f  i 


]";: 


»  •  r 


■».ii 


CHAPTER  I 

No  historian  can  approach  this  epoch  without  doing 
homage  to  Henry  Adams,  whose  History  of  the  United 
States,  0  vols.  (1889-1891),  is  at  once  a  literary  per- 
formance of  extraordinary  merit  and  a  treasure-house 
of  information.  Skillfully  woven  into  the  text  is 
documentary  material  from  foreign  archives  which 
Adams,  at  great  expense,  had  transcribed  and  trans- 
lated. Intimate  accounts  of  Washington  and  its  so- 
ciety may  be  found  in  the  following  books:  G.  Gibhs, 
Memoirs  of  the  Administrations  of  Washington  and  John 
Adams,  1  vols.  (1846);  Mrs.  Margaret  Bayard  Smith, 
The  First  Forty  Years  of  Washington  Society  ( 1 906) ;  Anne 
H.  Wharton,  Social  Life  in  the  Early  Republic  (1902). 
The  Life  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  3  vols.  (1858),  by  Henry 
S.  Randall  is  rich  in  authentic  information  about  the 
life  of  the  great  Virginia  statesman  but  it  is  marred  by 
excessive  hero-worship.  Interesting  side-lights  on  Jef- 
ierson  and  his  entourage  are  shed  by  his  granddaughter, 
Sarah  N.  Randolph,  in  a  volume  called  Domestic  Life 
of  Thomas  Jefferson  (1871). 

CHAPTER  II 

The  problems  of  patronage  that  beset  President 
Jefferson  are  set  forth  by  Gaillard  Hunt  in  "Office- 
seeking  during  Jefferson's  Administration,"  in  the 
American  Historical  Ri'iew,  vol.  iii,  p.  271,  and  by  Carl 
R.  Fish  in  The  Civil  Service  and  the  Patronage  (1905). 
There  is  no  better  way  to  enter  sympathetically  into 
Jefferson's  mental  world  than  to  read  his  respond- 
ence.    The  best  edition  of  his  writings  is  tL  '  by  Paul 


I" 
V 


-\J 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE  S2l 

Leicester  Ford.    Henry  Adams  has  collected  the  Writ- 
yof  Albert  Gallatin,  ,  vols.  ri879).  and  hJJZ 
an  admirable  L,fe  of  Albert  Gallatin  (1879).     GaillarS 
Hunt  has  written  a  short  Life  ofJame.  Madison  (1908) 
and  hasedited  his  Writings,  9  vols.  (1900-191^)      The 
Federahst  attitude  toward  the  Administration  is  «! 
fleeted  m  the  Works  of  Fisher  Ames,  2  voLs.  (,8.5^ 
The  .ntense  hostility  of  New  England  Federalists  ap- 
pears also  in  such  books  as  Theodore  Dwight's  The 
Character  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  as  exhibited  inUiso'n 
WrrUngs  (839).     Franklin  B.  Dexter  has  set  for  h  the 
facts  relating  to  Abraham  Bishop,  thnt  ^rchr^h^X 
against  the  standing  order  in  Connecticut,  in  the  P^ 
'^^   ^-^^-"s   Historical    Soci.;. 


1 


CHAPTER  in 

The  larger  histories  of  the  American  navy  by  Ma- 
clay  Spears  and  Clark  describe  the  war  with  TripS 
but  by  far  the  best  account  is  G.  W.  Allen's  Our  Nay 
and  the  Barbary  Corsairs  (1905).  which  may  be  sun 

wVr  I'  .^T  "  ^'^'  """^  ^'"^"^  of  ComnZore 
WaUamBmnbndge  (1837)  contains  much  interesting 
nformatiun  about  service  in  the  Mediterranean  and 
the  career  of  this  gallant  commander.  C.  H.  Lincoln 
has  edited  "The  Hull-Eaton  Correspondence  duri^^g 
the^  Expedition  against  Tripoli  1804-5"  for  the  Pro 

S  Kiri;'  .  ^^^^'^'  '"''^  conventions  with  the 

Barbary  States  are  contained  in  Treaties,  Conventions- 
International  Acts,  Protocols  and  Agreements  between  th, 


h 


98t 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE 


United  StaUn  of  Am^rira  and  Other  Potters,  compiled 
by  W.  M.  Malloy.  3  voU.  (1910  1918). 

CHAPTER  IV 

Even  after  the  lapse  of  many  years,  Henry  Adams's 
account  of  the  purchase  of  l^uisiana  remains  the  best: 
Volumes  i  and  ii  of  his  IliMory  of  the  United  Siatrit.    J. 
A.  Robertson  in  his  Loui/nana  under  the  Rule  of  Spain, 
France,  and  the  United  States,  1785-1807,2  voh.{ldU), 
has  brought  together  a  mass  of  documents  relating  to 
the  province  and  territory.     Barb^-Marbois.  Hiiitoire 
de  la  Louisiana  et  de  la  Cenirion  (1889).  which  is  now  ac- 
cessible in  translation,  is  the  main  source  of  informa- 
tion for  the  French  side  of  the  negotiations.    Frederick 
J.  Turner,  in  a  series  of  articles  contributed  to  the 
American  Historical  Review  (vols   n.  m,  vii,  viii,  x), 
has  pointed  out  the  significanc  •  of  the  diplomatic  con- 
test for  the  Mississippi  Valley.    Louis  Pelzer  has  writ- 
ten on  the  "Economic  Factui.,  in  the  Acquisition  of 
I^uisiana"  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Mississippi  Valley 
Historical  Association,  vol.  vi  (1913).     There  is  no 
adequate  biography  of  either  Monroe  or  Livingston. 
T.  L.  Stoddard  has  written  on  The  French  Revolution 
in  San  Domingo  (1914). 


H 


CHAPTER  V 

The  vexed  question  of  the  boundaries  of  Louisiana 
is  elucidated  by  Henry  Adams  in  volumes  ii  and  in  of 
his  History  of  the  United  States.  Among  the  more 
recent  studies  should  be  mentioned  the  articles  con- 
tributed by  Isaac  J.  Cox  to  volumes  vi  and  x  of  the 


BIBUUGaAPHICAL  VOTE  jits 

.i«na  Purchase?"  by  J^h/ft  "l'"/;'"'^*-'^  '"  '^^  »-- 
iions  of  the  Southern  HU.?       »        *'"  '"  ''•*^  ''"*''''«• 
the  first  tw^chap  e„  of  r   *\;"^'^''"°-  vol.  v.     I„ 
Boundary  of  m7 /  !  ,  "'""'^  ">"  '**  »V*/m* 

Mar,ha.rh:{;fv;„^:xr,  'r^^r  ^'''*^'  '^  '^^• 

Jefferson  broLt  tLe^hT  /u  *.''^,^»"ndary  question. 

Louisiana  "  whi^-h  w      «       "  '"'"  '^'^^  boundaries  of 

which  ha.sbee:tprirdthrv''^''^'  '"   ''''  -^ 
cal  Society  in  A)or«T!/,     /  ?   *^'"*"^«"  I*'"'"«ophi- 

an  important  contn-K..»-      .     .'.  "  *^^^  h"**  n»ade 

questions  involved  in  the  n      i'         ""  «>n«titutional 
of  Louisiana  are  Z^ersed  aU      T^"^  organization 

mS-l8U  (1940).  -^        ^Wii«a„a  PurcAwe. 

f^HAITER  VI 

which  differ,  frum  hZ, f  r™  *"."  C<"^Hr«cy  (ms) 

j.o.«  wiiki„«.„irh'°Th.„*i.',,:T'°"' '"  »"''"■»« 

the  plot.    Willdn  J„  w„  ""f  '"'"■y  '•'■'■•''•'  <" 

"thoroughly  .«z.trhrz"°  ''■"''f-  »•■-'• 
»"■.  »/%• ,.« r/,„„,  sTi'sr  'he  ;"''"■ 

able  intrLues  of  VVilUnc-.  ^*o'o^     The  treason- 

and  the  BegianiZ  of  the  «'      •"!:''""'•  "Wilkinwn 

vo...xo,./..j4::^:^'t^^'^™-;i. 


f 


934 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE 


Cox,  "GenernI  Wilkinnoii  und  Hih  Later  IntriKues 
with  the  Spaniardfl,"  in  vol.  xix  of  The  American  //«»■ 
turical  Review.  Jumpit  Parton's  Life  and  Timet  uf 
Aaroti  Burr  (1838)  is  u  biography  of  aurpus-ting  inter- 
est but  must  be  corrected  at  many  points  by  the  workH 
already  cited.  William  Coleman's  Collection  of  the 
Facta  and  the  Doeumente  relative  to  the  Death  of  Major- 
General  Alexander  Hamilton  (1804)  contains  the  details 
of  the  great  tragedy.  The  Federalist  intrigues  with 
Burr  are  traced  by  Henry  Adams  and  more  ret-i-ntly 
by  S.  E.  Morison  in  the  Life  and  Letters  of  Harriton 
Gray  Oti;  2  vols.  (1913).  W.  H.  Safford's  Blenner- 
hasaeti  Papera  (1861)  and  David  Robertson's  Reporta 
of  the  Triala  of  Colonel  Aaron  Burr  for  Treaaon,  and  for 
a  Miademeanor,  2  vols.  (1808),  brought  to  light  many 
interesting  facts  relating  to  the  alleged  conspiracy. 
The  OjgUnal  Letter  Books  of  W.  C.  C.  Claiborne,  1801- 
1816, 6  vols.  (1917),  contain  material  of  great  value. 

CHAPTER  VII 

The  history  of  impressment  has  yet  to  be  written,  but 
J.  R.  Hutchinson's  The  Presa-Gang  Afloat  and  Aahore 
(1913)  has  shown  clearly  that  the  baleful  effects  of  the 
British  practice  were  not  felt  solely  by  American  ship- 
masters. Admiral  A.  T.  Mahan  devoted  a  large  part  of 
his  first  volume  on  Sea  Power  in  ita  relationa  to  the  War  of 
1812, 2  vols.  (1905),  to  the  antecedents  of  the  war.  W. 
E.  Lingelbach  has  made  a  notable  contribution  to  our 
understanding  of  the  Easex  case  in  his  article  on  "  Eng- 
land and  Neutral  Trade"  printed  in  The  Military  Eia- 
torian  and  Economist,  vol.  ii  (1917).  Of  the  contem- 
porary pamphlets,  two  are  particularly  illuminating: 


.^|■ 

i       V 


BIHUOGRAPHICAL  NOTE 


—  S%5 

alxiard  a  Hritish  frigate  In  American  wato^  T       t 
account  of  the  hrupurd-ChZZaklVt    '   ^''^^''' 

C'HAPTKRS  Vlfi  AND  IX 

information  about  i,ea.,  ,|,|e  rrn-n r         "^' '''*^'^'*  ^'"• 
practice.    An.o„K  tL"e  a  ly  |^"  T' 1    "  ^'""-^V*"^ 

rt€.»  >\    h.  Dodd  s  Life  of  Nathaniel  Macon  (IQQ'i)  H 

Mcttt:::^:  ;//'''Ti^--*  ^'^^  douriT :  b; 

mm     V   ^^"  ?"'    ^""'*  «/'^/^/^Arn  Giranl,  o  vol, 

Aw  7  vo...  (H.08  ioo3):ed;x^rrnr^^^^^^^^ 

(l^)  :'  ^''"'  "-^   /«/-.a/.W  Za..  8  vols" 

(1906).  contains  a  mass  of  material  he.rJn^        T' 

The  French  decree,  «„d  ihe  British  ordcK-io" '"1 
we«  ,ubn„tted  to  Congress  with  a  n.c««ge  by  P^^ 
dent  Jeff„,o„  on  the  Md  of  December,  IsS,  and  may 


M 


Mi 


I  r-,  { 


3«6  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE 

CHAPTER  X 

The  relations  of  the  United  States  and  Spanish  Flor- 
ida are  set  forth  in  many  works,  of  which  three  only 
need  be  mentioned:  H.  B.  Fuller,  The  Purchase  oj 
Florida  (1906),  has  devoted  several  chapters  to  the 
early  history  of  the  Floridas,  but  so  far  as  West  Florida 
is  concerned  his  work  is  superseded  by  I.  J.  Cox's 
The  West  Florida  Controveray,  1789-lSl.i  (1918).  The 
first  volume.  Diplomacy,  of  F.  E.  Chadwick's  Rela- 
tions of  the  United  Slates  and  Spain,  3  vols.  (1909-11), 
gives  an  account  of  the  several  Florida  controver- 
sies. Several  books  contribute  to  an  understanding 
of  .^  •  temper  of  the  young  insurgents  in  the  Republi- 
can Party:  Carl  Schurz's  Henry  Clay,  i  vols.  (1887), 
W.  M.  Meigs's  Life  of  John  Caldwell  Calhoun,  2  vols. 
(1917),  M.  P.  Follett's  The  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  (1896),  and  Henry  Adams's  John 
Randolph  (1882). 


CHAPTER  XI 

The  civil  history  of  President  Madison's  second 
term  of  office  may  be  followed  in  Adams's  History  of 
the  United  States,  vols,  vii,  viii,  and  ix;  in  Hunt's  Life 
of  James  Madison;  in  Adams's  Life  of  Albert  Gallatin: 
and  in  such  iiagmentary  records  of  men  and  events  as 
are  found  in  the  Memoirs  and  Letters  of  DoUy  Madison 
(1886)  and  Mrs.  M.  B.  Smith's  The  First  Forty  Years  of 
Washington  Society  ( 1 906) .  The  history  of  New  Eng- 
land  Federalism  may  be  traced  in  H.  C.  Lodge's  Life 
and  Letters  of  George  Cabot  (1878) ;  in  Edmund  Quincy's 
Life  of  Josiah  Quincy  of  MaasachuaeUa  (1867);  in  the 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE  327 

life  of  Timothy  Pickering,  4  vols.  (1867-73)-  and  in 

has  collected  the  DocuZZellfto^^^Etn 
Federalism,  1S00-1S15  (1878^  tI  ^^''^-^J'vland 
position  to  the  war  is  l^fl!^;  /  ^^^^^alist  op- 
Mathew  Carey's  ul oL7l  \  '°  T*^  '^''^  «" 
Sides  (I814)rd  VVIi?at%  7    '.'''■'/""''*  ''"  ^"'* 


1 


CHAPTER  XII 

The  history  of  the  negotiations  at  n»,*«f  1,      u 
recounted  by  Mahan  and  H  nr^  Lams  'nJ'  ^° 
recentybvF  4  I'nHvl,-  ti.  "Y, '*""'"'•  •>">  more 

The  P°^  '*;"*  "-^  '^'"■V««    "t^  0S5^W 


im  li 


il 


\^*.i^ 


-.11 


r ' 


**!     I 


328  BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE 

CHAPTER  XIII 

The  want  of  a  good  biography  of  James  Monroe  is 
felt  increasingly  as  one  enters  upon  the  history  of  his 
administrations.  Some  persMial  items  may  be  gleaned 
from  A  Narratipeafa  Tour  of  Observation  Made  during 
the  Summer  of  1817  (1818);  and  many  more  may  be 
found  in  the  liemoira  and  Writinga  of  John  Quincy 
Adams.  The  works  by  Fuller  and  Chadwick  already 
cited  deal  with  the  negotiations  leading  to  the  acqui- 
sitiM  of  Florida.  The  Memoirs  et  Souvenirs  of  Hyde 
de  IWuville,  S  vols.  (1893-4),  supplement  the  record 
whicfc  Adama  left  in  his  diary.  J.  S.  Bassett's  Life 
of  Andrew  Jaekson,  i  vols.  (1911),  b  far  less  entertain- 
ing than  James  Parton's  Life  of  Andrew  Jackson,  3  vols. 
(1860).  but  much  more  reliable. 

CHAPTER  XIV 

The  problem  of  the  re<  ognition  of  tbe  South  Amer- 
ican republics  has  been  put  in  its  historical  setting  by 
F.  L.  Paxson  in  The  Independence  of  the  South  American 
Republics  (1903).    The  relations  of  the  United  States 
and  Spain  are  described  by  F.  E.  Chadwick  in  the  work 
already  cited  and  by  J.  H.  Latanfe  in  The  United  States 
and  Latin  America  (1920).     To  these  titles  may  be 
adA»d  J.  M.  Callahan's  Cuba  and  International  Rela- 
tions (1899).     The  studies  of  Worthington  C.  Ford 
have  given  John  Quincy  Adams  a  much  larger  share  in 
formulating  the  Monroe  Doctrine  than  earlier  histo- 
rians have  accorded  him.    The  origin  of  President  Mon- 
roe's message  is  traced  by  Mr.  Ford  in  "Some  Original 
Documents  on  the  Genesis  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine," 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTE  ai9 

LLt'^lOof"';;/  ^^.^«-«chusetts  Historioal 
length  Ky  h.m  .n  The  American  Historical  Rerieu    ^1 

KrauslX  .^«<^'""«  ""ay  .»-  followed  in  H.rl.crt 
Kraus  9  Die  Monroedoktnn  in  ihren  Reziehungen  -ur 
Amenkan..chenDiplomatie  undzum  Volkerrechtm'^ 
a  work  which  should  be  made  ruo,^  accessible  to  Ame  i 
•can  readers  by  translation.  ^^-^mer 

THAPI  ER  XV 
The  subjects  touched  upon  in  this  closing  chauter 

ni^Kiseofthe.\ew  lle.t  (1906).     On  the  .slavery  con- 
troversy   an  article  by  J.  A.  Woodburn.  "tJ    n° 

the  Missouri  Co.pro'^^J^:  f:t^«,-<^^^ 

may  he  n-ad  with  profit.    D.  R    Dew.  P  ■  , 

"inory  of  the  Preaidcticu,  2  voh   (ii)Hi\   .,     »  • 
statistics  of  presidentiafeleltnTH    «'":'"* 


f  t 


ti 


*     i 


i 


5   ; 


INDEX 


AcadiaDjiettlements  in  Loui^i- 
ana,  78-79 

Adani«,  Henry,  on  Carlos   IV 

of  hpain    «l;  on  Toumint 

L  Ouverture.  «3;  on  war  in 

of  the    ir„„.S  states,    cited 
*■»      (note),       137      (note) 
quoted,  lU,  M«:  „„  Kh 
ordera-in-councii.  137 
Adams.  John.   I.  .5;    vott.s  for 

31B-17;  death  (18<«).  317 
Adama  J  g .  „„  Jeffep,on-, 
ho.p,tai.ty.  17;  on  Jefferson, 
w.  peace  comnii»aioner.  »4| 
«  "V  ;  -Minister  to  Russia. 
ill '  l'!'^'""'  i*>«racteristit  H, 

««4:  at  Ghent,  iio  et  ,« 
quoted     Ml;    Secretary    „f 

*68.  K7;,.  <79.  «81;  action  in 

V  J"***  "n   Monroe.  <7<; 
«nd  South  American  revolu 
tions    W8.«tti;«,HOreK,  . 
question,  m-94;  Bering  Sea 
opntroversy.     «95-»«:  "and 

tuba,  m-97:  part  in  form 

"ng  foreign   policy.   .SOO-05: 

electoral  vote  for.  308 
Adams.    Or.    William.    British 

lomniissioner  at  (Jhent.  K47    1 
Alexander.    Car,    and     Holv  I 

Alliance,  tm 
Alston.    Joseph,    husband    ..f  ' 

Ibeodoata  Burr.  118  1 


^^Tom'J''"'*  ("orida).  illicit 
tommerce  at.    163.  «70    in. 

"urgents  at.  m.  1*71;  United 
ata  es   troops   occupy.    1^7 1. 

A^dams  asks  guarantees  for. 

Ames,  Fisher,  quoted.  U 
Amiens.  Peace  of.  «« 
Anderson   D.  R..  ••  The  Insur- 
gents^of    18n.-   cited.    <00 

-^'j^u*  (ship;.  31 

Armstrong.  General  John,  sue- 

»p.  on  the  embargo.  167- 
<  adores  letter  to.  78- 
VcreUry  of  War.  «19;  r^. 
•Kuation.  «3I 
Array.  Jefferson  •,  policy  <7- 
increase  of.  i««.  i^\:  ^^^ 
pendency  upon  militia.  «3- 

"'*»  Miluia 

Arnold.  Benedi.t.  Burr  serve, 
under.  Itxj  ^ 

^ ".■:>'•,  Vf"'?'-    *»u«^««ieer   io 
hast  Honda,  *74 


British    Minister,   <77. 


Bagot, 
«78 

Hainbridge,   (  apU.n    Willi,„, 
mission    for    Algiers.    33  .17.' 
'n    Tripolitan     War.    40-43 
50;  prisoner.   4i4  43.  Si.  38 
1«8;  quoted,  1<8 

a!.'";.;*?"     ^"»»''«>««   resigns 


-8!na»c:iSxr?R- ' 


332 


INDEX 


g,  .1 


■fl    i 


^1 


Btrintf.  Alexsniirr.  friend  of 
Gallatin.  440.  <43 

Barron,  ('ommotlore  Samuel, 
commands  American  iiquad- 
ron  against  Tripoli,  41,  55- 
86,  at,  58;  commands  the 
Che$apeake,  13»,  140,  141; 
Canning  demands  disavowal 
of  conduct  of,  164 

Baton  Rouge,  location  and 
population,  79;  American 
settlerM  in,  191;  "self-Kovcrn- 
ment  movement,"  19«;  fort 
taken      by      revolutionists, 

Bayard,  J.  A.,  Envoy  Extra- 
ordinary to  Russia,  ItSU. 
<40-4I,  244;  peace  coru- 
miuioner  at  Ghent.  <48, 
ti\.  til 
Bayonne  decree  (Apr.  17. 1808), 

166-67 
Bayou  Sara,  insurrection  starts 
at,  19it 

Bayou  Vermilion,  79 

Berins  Sea  controversy,  ii»5 

Berkeley,  Admiral.  orders 
Vkeiapeake  searched  for  de- 
serters, 1S8,  139,  164,  187 

Biddle,  Madison  asks  loan  of, 
815 

Bishop.  Abraham,  son  of 
Samuel.  tS 

Bishop.  Samuel,  appointed 
(.'ollector  of  Port  of  New- 
Haven,  85 

Bladensburg,  battle  of.  249,  iS5 

Blennerhassett.  Harmnn,  and 
Burr.  115.  117-19.  120 

Blo<kade,  of  Tripoli,  .19;  of 
New  York  Harbor,  136-37; 
of  French  channel  ports, 
laa.  156-57;  Napolet)ns  de- 
cree, 153 

Bonaparte,  Joseph,  Napoleon'.i 
attempt  to  piafe  on  Spanish 
thronv.  190 

Boundttries,  of  Luuisiaua  Pur- 
chase,   76-77,    87-»0;    aug- 


geited  for  Indian  territor 
i49;  in  Ghent  treaty.  264  ' 

Brambtr  (British  schooner 
227 

Brown.  Mrs.,  wife  of  Senate 
from  Kentucky,  and  Jeffei 
son's  democracy,  1 

Burr,  Aaron.  18.  28.  145;  ■ 
Jefferson's  inauguration,  S 
4:  leader  of  Republica 
faction  in  New  York,  2( 
107,  110:  life,  105  rt  neq. 
politit-al  career,  107-12;  am 
Hamilton.  28,  107,  110-12 
intimates  of,  113;  journey  ti 
New  Orleans,  114-15;  con 
■piracy,  115  et  tc^.;  trial 
127;  bibliography,  323-24 

Burr,  Theodosia.  daughter  o: 
Aaron,  107,  118 

Cabinet.   Jefferson's.   7-8.    10 
Madison's,  172-7S,  188.  216 
217.  218-19,  231;  Monroe's, 
267-68 
Cadore,  Due  d'    French  Min- 
ister of  Foreign  Affairs.  178. 
179 
Calhoun.  J.  C.  on  House  Com- 
mittee  on    Foreign    Affairs, 
199-200;  quoted.  202;  intri>- 
duces  bill  declaring  war  on 
Great  Britain,  211-12;  opin- 
ion of  the  war,  213-14,  232; 
in  the  ruined  Capitol,  232; 
Secretary  of  War.  267 
Cambrian      (British      frigate), 

l.<)6 
Campl»ell.  G.  W.,  Secretary  of 

Treasury.  234 
Canada,  boundary  arbitration 

provided  for,  284 
Cunning,  George,  American 
statesmen  contrasted  with. 
10;  and  Chesapfake  affair. 
150.  151,  152,  16.1.  164:  and 
Krskine,  174;  and  Cuba. 
296;  quest iun  of  recognition 
of  South  American  republics. 


INDEX 


Canninff,  Ceornt  -  ConhnufH 

m-»«.aoo-OI;Ad«m.-.Di- 
wer  (o.  30« 

(»nning.     Str.tfor.l.      |iriii»h 

i9s"^"     at      VVasluuKton. 

(urlos    IV    of    Spain.    Ilenrv 
Adams  on,  61;  cede,  Louisi- 
ana   to    Frnnce.    «i|-<(<     «7 
action  in  regard  to  Floridai.' 

Oil 

r*rondclct.  Spanish  Governor 
in  Louisiana,  7< 

C'ana  (  «lvo.  Marqui-.  -le.  and 
transltr  of  Louisiana  to 
Frame,  Hfi;  in  New  OrlMns. 

CastlereaKh.       Lord,       British 
statesman.    UT,    iu.    iu 
1*47.  «4tf.  iSX  <90 
fevallos.      Spanish       Foreign 

Minister,  »4,  9« 
Channing.  Edward.  Uhtary  of 
Ine  Lniled  Staten,  cited    HH 
(note) 
thase.         Justice         Samuel, 

impeachment,  mss 
Cheves.  Langdon.  chairman  ..f 
House  (  ommittec  on  Naval 
Affairs,  itUO,  iSt 
Ckeiaptakr  u    -^erican  frigate), 
British    desetiers    «hi,     L"J8; 
B«rkelej'.s  order   fo  search 
1M-.W.  140;  and  the  Lfop- 
ard.    139-4*.    14!).    1.59,   204. 
ill;    settlement    of    affair 
140-5L     15!*.     KW  6.5,     \Hi 
185,  187  •     '    ». 

Claiborne,  William,  (Jovernor  ' 
of  Mississippi  Territory.  | 
8«-87.    llo;   rule   in    Luuisi-   i 

?2f-    *^*-,M*°*'     Wilkinson, 
l«i,  and  Horida.   I»l,   IM, 

^'tf''*  i^f"'*''  "efchant  in  j 
New  Orleans,  n.5 

(lay.  Henry,  counsel  for  Hurr    ! 

119;  in  Senate.    \9H  m.  „„   I 

occupation  of  Florida.  IM    j 


S9S 


quoted.  187-M,  Speaker  of 
House,  !!»».  <o(»;  on  acquisi- 
non    of    tiTritorv,     rfoi  (W 

Im'l!^!  '^**"'  «bewar.<(W." 
^0».  «.S.<I4;  and  Randolph: 
^^''i'L'"'***'  ""nmissioner, 

WO.  tin.  M.i;  refuse,  ^icrri' 

J;^'^'5^^^"'*"'-«n  revolutions. 

Clinton.  I)eV\it,.  a^,in„  H„rr. 
««;  and  Madison,  it.i,  elect- 
oral vote  for.  Ktft  (not.) 

'  i'n»«>n.  (,e.irge.  (Governor  .,f 
Vw  \.,rk.  |(W;  V„-e.|'rc„- 
denf.  \\i;  candidate  for 
rrcsidcn<-v.  I7i 

<Wk|,urn  Admiral  Sir  f;e»,rge. 
in  )>ashinKton,  it^ 

<  olombia.  Republic  of.  I  nife.l 
States  recogniies.  «»;i; 
Russia  refuses  to  recognize. 

Colonisation  Society   SIO 

<  ongre.ss.  Jefferson's  inHuence 
on.  .«:  President  s  report  on 
LouiMana.     7H;    debate    oo 
Louisiana  Purchase,  8«;  Mo- 
bile   Act,    »I-Bi«;    vote    on 
Honda    question,    101;    act 
esUblishing   territorial   gov- 
ernincnt  in  Louisiana,    IDS' 
Non-Importation.   147.   l«o' 
fcmtjargo     Act.     Ifli.     aiaj 
acts  supplementary  to  Em- 
bargo.    Ifi5  ««;    Non-Inter- 
course Act.  168-fl9.  174.  17« 
IHI.  313;    Ma.on  s  Kill  No! 
«.  177.  178;  end  of  Eleventh 
180-HI;    Twelfth,    198.    im 

personnel     of     Committees' 
l»»-^rfOO  "luiiiees, 

Connecficut.       militia       with- 

drawn  from  national  service. 

««:    appoints   delegates   to 

Hartford  Convention,  834 

'  Ta'^''       hoarding       house. 
Jefferson  at.  l-«,  7 


f 


334 


INDEX 


lli 


ivf''  I 


.■;l 


t\ 


(Amerir«n    trig- 


■■>/•    I 


ConHtUalien 

Ate).  A4 
r'onitihition.   Jeffprvm   ,\tmU% 
•mendmrnt  to.  «|;  arapoH- 
mcntii  |>r(»|>u»e<i  by  iUrtfonl 
Convention.  iSt 
i'ontlilulioH,    in    Tripoli.    48; 

and  Uuerriire,  m 
Continuous    \oym^e.    do«.-lrine 
of.  1.14-M:  Britiih  order-in- 
rouncil  on.  IA4-A5 
<'onw«y  cabal.  11.5 
t'orwin.  E.  S..  Jokn  Mar,kaU 
and   Ike   Connlitution,    cited. 
SI  (rote).  147  (note) 
C  rawtord.  W.  H..  .Senator  from 
<tcorKia     on     Kustis.     «I«; 
'eoretary  of  Treasury,  «fl7 
C  reole«  in  Ixiuiniana.  85;  dele- 
gation to  WaabinKtnn.  10.1 
C  rowninshieid.    B.    VV..   Secre- 
tary of  Navy.  M? 
Tuba,  Jeffer«on  raiHeti  quest  ion 
of.    189-JW;    (lay    on.    1»6, 
•■    cause    of    international 
concern.  i9d-97 
Cumberland  Road.  .il< 


Dale,  Commodore  Richard, 
commands  in  Mediterranean. 
38.  39 

Dallas.  A.  J.,  on   Armstronij. 
«19-«0;  Secretary  of  Treas- 
ury, 2S4 
Davton.  Jonathan,  intimate  of 

Burr.  lis.  115.  116 
Davidson.     The    North     IVett 

Company,  cited.  t09  (note) 
Dearborn.  Henry.  .Secretary  of 
War,   8;   outrages   in    York 
under,  iSO  (note) 
Decatur.  Stephen.  57;  burning 

of  the  Philadelphia,  44-48 
Democratic  party.  >ee  Republi- 
can party 
Derne.  Eaton's  expedition  at, 

5«.  58.  54;  evacuated.  56 
Detroit.    Hull's   surrender   at. 
«17.  M0 


Dickinson.    John.     Jefferson's 

letter  to.  19 
Duane.     William.     Appointed 

Adjutanl-Cieneral.  419 
Dwight.  Theodore,  opposition 

to  administration.  t5 

East    Florida,    as    menace    to 
southern  frontier.  I9H;  ques- 
tion of  (M'cupalion  nf,  «n»-70 
nff  0/.0  Florida,  west  Florida 

Katun,     Wdliara.     consul     at 
Tunis.  50-5.1.  55,  5H 

Hduard  (ship),  159 

'*''}*•'■''». ,  Jonathan,     grand- 

ffc'hcr  of  Hurr.  1U6 
Emb'.rg...     «07-0H;     Jefferson 

recommends.  1«0;  Embariro 

Act,  lfll-a,1.  165-68 
knterprite  (s<.-hooner).   SS.   .18. 

44.  58 
Erskine.  D.  .M..  British  Minis- 

tcr,  drafts  note.  17,1 
£««ez  (American   frigate).   56; 

decision.  1.14.  135 
Eustis.   William.  .Secretary  of 

War,  816-17;  resigns.  ilH 


Federalist  party,  and  Republi- 
cans. 5.  6;  in  Federal  offices 
**'M:  in  New  England.  M- 
««.  SO.  101,-10.  Ill;  at 
Hartford  Convention.  «35- 
2.16 

Ferdinand  VII  of  Spain.  190 
insurgents  in  West  Florida 
assert  allegiance  to.  \9i 

rinauce.  Jefferson's  plans  for 
economy.  W-W,  .'lO-'^;!: 
Eleventh  CouKrcss  iiud.  i81. 
(congress  declares  loan.  «0i- 
«03;  (iallatin  appeals  for 
taxes.  «0«.  U\,  (;overn- 
ment  faces  bankruptcy.  <.14 

Fisheries   question,    ifl»,    860 
i61 

Florida    rreafy.  tHi-n\,  im) 
i9I,  f9f-9S 


LVDEX 


nond«».  T.lleyranH  urMn 
oeMion  of.  «0;  I  nite.J  Statw 
:nvoy.     fry     »„    biiv     fron, 

i-rT-i.""'   •'"ff-'^'n   MI..I. 
iNW;   btMii.Kraiiliv.   .•}<«;   ,„ 

?.''"..►'••'•      FWida.      We»f 
^  rlorida 

''"u"'''.  L?*"'."''    ''"vtrnor    of 
"Mt  Honda.  104.  193 

"t  "ashington.  184-83 
Kranrp.   ,,^    Louiniana,   NaiK)- 

l«'«n.  Shipping 
FulJon.      KolH-rf.      J..(rrM..n-a 

"•f»»T  to.   \i 


3SA 


<..llalin.   .\ll«.pt.   .V,.r,.farv  of 
Trranury.  |o.  IT.'J;  „„,!  Jiffer- 
•on.  10.  1»,  <(,-«;  ,,„|i      ^f 
Kovernment.      K|   «;      an,| 
Hurr,  ««;  on  preparation  for 
?-"/•    •*«-•»»:   an.l   einl.ur«o 
l«0.    168;    on    arti    for    in- 
"rw-'tion   and    rcKulation    of 
r»<Tt».     103;     Madison    and. 
'<«;      I'",      tenderit     resijf- 
nat.on.  I8«:  M„li,„n  refti.^ 
to   «rc*pf    rexiKnation,    18.1 
nppral   fop   taxe*.    <t{H    «l' 
opinion     of     (^lleaguM     i„" 
Jahinet.      in.      «i»;     .nd 
Duanr.     Ill9:     ability     and 
arrompliKhmrnts,    i<o     Pn. 

•S^  '•''«/""'••''"»'>•  to  HuMia, 
it»»-40;  p«.rsonal  <har«<ler- 
isti. ..,  «40;  and  Huyard.  841; 
«nd  Adam,,  <4<:  „o„,i. 
nation  an  envoy  rejcrled  hv 
S«-uat.;.  iei:j-44;  on  IVa.o 
comniiKMion,  i44-4.'S-  ^y 
r.lieni  i<4<)  ,/  M,,.,  deM-rilM-, 
nritisli  «omnii!*(tion.  i\t- 
bibliojfrauhy,  3<| 
'Jallatin    Mrs  .  13;  Mr,.  Madi- 

«on»  letter  to,  8«(t 
'•allatin.  Jamen.  son  of  Albert 
at  (ii.ent,  «4«.  K«<;  .4  iirf„t 
ftacr  Maker,  quoted.  Mi 
Uambier.  Admiral  Lord.  Brit- 


«47  Tw"'**'"""  **  *•'*''"'• 
fiites.        (ieneral.        support, 

138      ""   '"   ''•"   '"'   "•**• 
Cienef.     Kdniond.    mi.Mion    to 

«  nitcd  !>tate».  38 
tiforg,     Washington     (frigate). 

pren«d  by  AiKiem.  .i3-37 
'•^Z*'--     «"••     K*»t     Florida. 

Jjfrinanii  in  Loui-iiana.  7M 

'ihent.  |>eac-e  «oinmis.,ioner!. 
3lV  «.  •'  *^*  WKoti^'ions, 
r  v.-  •  .twaty.  x«.<|-«4; 
bibhoKruphy  of  neKoiJ. 
ition^,  :',t7 

(Jilr.i.  W.  B  .  18.  17.1 

fJirard.  Stephen,  and  the 
/•W/y.  134;  ai.J,  govern- 
ment li>un.  je«l 

fJ'uilburn.  Ilenrv.  British  rom- 
lui.isioner  .it  (ihent,  *47 

I!l  "'■'''•'"•^^•■'^"n fjuestioD, 
«».1-B4;  and  Cuba.  tm-VI 
an.l  recognition  of  South 
American  republirs,  897- 
•«0I;  see  also  Chrsaprnkf, 
'•"••nt  negotiations.  Ship- 
ping. War  of  1818 
<Trat   Lakes.  British  -lemands 

ooncerning,  8.W 
'•reenvillf.  Treaty  of.  84« 
Jjruwold,  Roger.  100.  ||ii 
Grundy.  Felix.  „„  House  Com- 
miltee  on  Foreign  Kelations, 
«»0;  on  ai-.juisifion  of  lerri- 
lor.v.     80l-tW;     „„     Hriti.h 
•ntriKue   with    Indiani.,  807 
Ht  the  ruined  Capitol,  f.it 
(•luntere,    183.    I8((;   and   (on- 
'htution,  886 

Hail  (olumbia.  played  in  eon- 

II  'n'"',.  *".*  "'  ♦■'"■«>♦•  «■»« 
•iHll.  Basil,  quoted.  IW-S7 

"■i"*'  .^■'■•"■"l'.  heir  to 
inpolitan  throne.  .18  31 - 
33 


SM 


INDEX 


u 


im 


1 


(t 


Hamihoo,  Ale»»4<>r,  Federal- 
i«»  ledHef.  «;  and  Burr, 
<H,  KIT.  I  to  It 

Hamilton.    Paul,   Serrrlary  of 

.N»vy,  ^\^ 

HarriM.n.    W.    H.,    at    Tipfii- 

canoc.  f07 
IfartroDl  r<>nv<>ntion.  «.i4  :17 
Iii>lnii>.     (iovvrnor    of     Mw- 

aJMippi,  IO|-»< 
Holy  AtliHiKe,  KH6,  tf>5,  m\ 
Horizon  (ship),  133 
Hull.  Captain  Inaar  on  Kalon'a 

•  tpedition,  31 
Hull,    General    William,    aur- 

render     at      Drtruil.      il7. 


Iberville  River.  70;  Louisiana 
extend*  t<>.  N9 

Iiiiprr'-sinent  of  srmnpn.  130- 
m,  ISO 

Indians,    Terunneh's   lonspir- 
wy.    «00-07;    territory    de- 
manded at  (f henl  for.  848 
f48;   Seminoles   in    Florida, 
«77 

Internal  improvements,  Gov- 
frnment     attitude     toward. 

Intrepid  (ketch),  destroys 
Pkiladrlphia.  44-4fl;  blown 
up. 4U  30 

Israel,  Lieutenant  Joseph,  »»n 
the  Intrepid,  40 

Jarkson.  General  Andrew, 
Hurr  and.  113;  letter  to 
riail>orne,  1«3;  repulse  of 
Hrifish  before  New  Orleans. 
M8;  Florida  expedition.  «77, 
«78,  ie79;  bibliographv.  388 

Jarkson,  F.  J.,  British  Minister 
to  United  SUtes.  173-77 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  democratic 
spirit,  I  8,  17;  appearance. 
3.  ».  IW-17;  InauKurnl  Ad- 
drpsfj,  4-7.  80;  Cabinet.  7-8, 


I**:  and  Madison,  8  10,  |04. 
8t«:  interest*.  11-19;  social 
life  at    Uuihintfton.    I.'l-I7; 
letter     to     Dickinson,      19; 
|.ulicy  of  ffovernmenl,  80.  i\, 
88;    cooperation    with    <ial- 
latin    and    Madison.    80-88; 
appointments,  88-8.1;  ho^lil- 
ity  of  New  England  tu»ur<l, 
8S-80,   .10;  first  messaire  to 
C«nKres«.  8«  ;I8,  »3,  3H   and 
Oiunbridffc.  ;)7;  and  Tripoli* 
Hu  War,  34:  and  Mississippi 
[Toblrm.  06;  n|ipoiiiM  Mon- 
r>e  at  Minister  Flenipotenti- 
ur>.   nn-Hft.   and   Louisiana, 
77  88;    on    Florida    claims. 
80-90,  07,  1HO-00;  and  Mi.- 
bile  Act,  91-B<;  messaice  to 
Congress  on  Sjianish  negoti- 
ations. 97-98,  00.   117.   181: 
autocratic  rule  over  Louisi- 
ana, lot;  and  Burr,  107-08. 
lOU.    119-80:    and    VV'ilkin- 
■on.    189,    191;  on  right  of 
eipatriation.  133;  and  ('hem- 
peake   affair,    148-43;   as   a 
pacifist,  148,  144-49.  137-38, 
168;  special  message  to  Con- 
grcM  (Feb.   10.   1807).   158; 
message  to  Congress  recom- 
mending embargo.  IBO;  and 
•  he  embargo,  KiO.  l«l.  in< 
163.  i«(t.  108;  abdication  as 
party  leader.  108;  nt  Madi- 
•on'a    Inaugural    Ball,    178; 
and   War  of   1818,   813;  on 
Madison's  choice  of  execu- 
tives,  818;   and   the   army, 
833;  Bayard  responsible  for 
election   of,    841;   on   J.   W 
Adam.s.  867;  foreign  policy, 
899;      on      Missouri      coin- 
promise,  309.  310;  at  Monti- 
cello,  .<il;  financial  difficulty. 
313;    later    life,    316;    and 
Atiams,        316-17;       death 
(18i6),    317:     bibliography, 
980.  Stl 


•!! 


J«ff«>ion.  M.rJht,  d.u,hl«  of 

Iboina*.  qiiOtH.  IflB 
•'••nf».    William.    S*,ret«ry   of 

Judiciary     Art    of     igBI,    SP 
(note)  • 

KiBJ.  Rufiu.  el^^ord  vote  for. 

■00  I  note) 

Uod,  drprcciation  of.  .lis 

lit  tas    '"  **"*  '•''""•^■• 

n.f-84.  84,  M,  9S 
U*.  John,  MiMiMippi  Bubble,  j 

Lrander  (BriUth  frig.te).  136. 

Le-i-,  Colonel  Tobias  Araeri- 

«*«n    C  onsul-Genrral   at  Al- 

""•^u'^J**'  ."'Ko'i^tea  treaty 
,  with  Tripoli.  M  '' 

LecTc.     (Jeneral.     in     Santo 

Donnngo.  64.  67-e«;  deatb. 

Leipfig.  BatUe  of.  «§?.  «4S 

if?"*!  .'."*'  ^*«"'P««*'.  139- 
14*.  151;  «ee  also  tAMaw-oXr 
m"'    *'.":*'»«>".    explore. 
MiMOuri.  77 
'.»*«•/«.  Gerard's  ship,  154 

erti  8  ^''''   ^""n^y-Gen- 
Lingelbach.   W.   E..  on  A««t 

decision.  136  (note) 
/-!«/«  hell,  attack  on.  186-87 
Liverpool.   Lord,   on  continu- 
ing war.  MS 
Livingston.  H.  R..  Minister  to 
l-Vance.    66;    Monroe    acU 
with.  e8~6»,  148;  and  N.po- 
te"'  «»-70:   bargains  whh 
I  aJIeyrand  for  Louisiana.  73- 
74:  purchase  agreed    upon. 
16.  knowledge  of  extent  of 
Louisiana  76-77:  urge«  haste 
in  concluding  purchaae,  81; 
•a 


INDEX 


«7 

•nd  Florida  Hainis.  87.  hh 
aurreeded  by  Armstrong,  m 
Louisiana.      fv,„,.,      „,,7,„„ 
ression  of.  «0-fl<.  87.  j^^^,. 
•ons  interest  in.  m,  threat 
of  quarrel  over.  «e-«7;  Mon- 
roe  gu«.   t„    France   to   ait 
regarding.  68-«»;  Napoleon 
decides  to  sell.  fll»-73;  ncg" 
tiations.     73-75;     pur.ha... 
"« uted.  7a.  76:  e^".;?*:; 
purchase.  76-80:  debate  „„ 
treaty.     Hi;     France     takell 
possession.  83-84.  8«;  formal 
;""•"'*"'«>  «"'•*'«  f<»«te«. 
17.    Honda   cloimed   lo   1^- 

ioa   k"^.  "'  •"""■•ion   of. 
iu»:  bibliography,  .1M~«3 
LOuverture.    'I^us«iint.    *<i- 
04 

Mcfaleb.  W.  F..  Aaron  Hurt 
foii^rar^eited.  I  US  (note) 

*73-7r'  *"'•  '•"*■'•••»*". 

McKee.  Colonel  John,  aoent 
sent  to  Florida.  W»-7o 

M««l«y.  Senator,  on  Jeffer- 
son s  appearance.  17 

•Macon.  Nathaniel.  Speaker  of 
House.  18.  it 

M.cons     Bill     No.     i.     ,77 

Madison.  James.  Secretary  of 
State.  8-9:  and  Jefferson.  »»- 
»0.  1«.  fO-tl.  17*.  «,„.  ^/h: 
personal  characteristics.  |8 
philosophy  of,  itt;  LiviiiK-' 
ston  s  report  to.  74.  89:  on 
Florida  claims,  89;  ,nd 
>ru,o.9«-9S;  Spanish  neg." 

FforCJl.''  ""=  T^^'  •*''«l">« 
Honda     purchase     bill     to 

Armstrong,  149-40;  on  em- 

•••rgo,   160.   168.   168;  nei" 

tiationa  with  Rose.  163.  |«4; 

elected   President.    168;   I,,.* 

•««uraJ     AddreM.     170-71- 


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338 


INDEX 


*:  I'm 


Madison.  Jamefi — Continued 
Inaugural       Ball,       171-78; 
Cabinet,    172-73,    183,  «16- 
817,    818-19,    831;    negoti- 
ations with  Erskine,  173-74; 
renews  Non-Intercourse,  174, 
179;    and    F.    J.    Jackson. 
175,  176-77;  lack  of  vigorous 
leadership,  180,  207-08,  815; 
message  (1810),  180-81;  and 
West  Florida.  189,  i91,  194, 
195,  198;  and  East  Florida, 
198;  message  (Nov.  5,  1811), 
800-01;   renominated,    208- 
809;   war   message,  810-11; 
signs  bill  declaring  war,  812; 
break      from      Jeffersonian 
tradition,  213;  on  the  war, 
815;     and     Gallatin.     880; 
enemies  of,  881-24;  electoral 
vote   for,    224    (note);    and 
state  rights,  225-26;  diflficiil- 
ties  of  1818,  886;  at  invasion 
of  Washington,  829-30;  re- 
turns to  Capitol,  831;  mes- 
sage, 238-33;  Wirt  on,  235- 
236;  and  Hartford  Conven- 
tion, 236.  237;  secret  mes- 
sage to   Congress   (Jan.    3. 
1811).  269;  and  East  Florida, 
869,  270.  873;  foreign  policy. 
299;  on  recognition  of  South 
American  republics.  300;  and 
slavery,  810;  at  Montpelier, 
314;  financial  difficulty,  815; 
death  (1886),   315;    bibliog- 
raphy, 321 
Madison,  Mrs.  Dolly,  hostess 
for  Jefferson.  14,  15;  at  In- 
augural Ball,  171;  letter  to 
Mrs.  Gallatin,  826;  at  Brit- 
ish invasion  of  Washington, 
229,  830 
Marbois,  Barb^,  and  purchase 
of    Louisiana,     78-73,     74, 
75 
Marshall.  John,  at  Jefferson's 

inauguration,  4 
Matthews,     General     George, 


agent  to  Florida,  269-70;  at 
Amelia  Island,  270,  271,  272 
Mazzei,  Philip,  friend  of  Jeffer- 
son, 8 
Mediterranean  Fund,  39 
Melampua     (British     frigate), 
deserters      on      Chesapeake, 
138;  searches  American  ves- 
sels, 185 
Merry,  Anthony,  British  Min- 
ister   at    Washington,    and 
Jefferson's  etiquette,  14-16; 
and  Burr,  1 1  .i 
Metternich,  Prince,  and  Holy 

Alliance,  286 
Mexican  Association,  104 
Mexico,   American  dreams  of 
conquest    of,    104-05,     117; 
Wilkinson  writes  Viceroy  of. 
124 
Milan  decree  (Dec.  17.  1807), 
157,  178;  aee  alto  Shipping, 
Neutral 
Militia,  request  for  readiness, 
142:  New  England's  action 
in  War  of  1812,  232 
Miranda,  revolutionist,  117 
Mississippi  Bubble,  78 
Mississippi  River,  navigation  of, 
65;  closed  by  Spain  to  west- 
ern commerce,  68;  question 
of  navigation  in  Ghent  nego- 
tiations, 259,  260,  861,  262 
Mississippi    Valley,    effect    of 

settlement  on  East,  313 
Missouri  Compromise  (1820), 

809 
Mobile  Act,  01-92;  Yrujo  pro- 
tests, 92-93;  Presidents  in- 
terpretation of,  93;  Cevallos 
and,  94-95 
Mobile  River,  American  ship- 
ping obstructed  on,  97;  nee 
also  Mobile  Act 
Monroe,       James,       Minister 
Plenipotentiary    to    France 
and  Spain,  68-69;  Louisiana 
negotiations.  73.  74-75.  81; 
on  extent  of  Louisiana,  76, 


87-88.  104;  iMinister  to  Ene- 

and.  90:  We,t  Florida  nego- 
tiations. 90-81.   84-96;  and 

^,7f^f*l  affaT.  143.  150- 

i«.'  ^'P'omatic  career,  149 
«««:  leaves  England,  152'; 
i>ecrcl^ty  of  State.  183-84; 
and  the  war.  207.  215;  esti- 

Z1\^l  ^°"««8"«  in  Cahi- 
net.  217;  and  western  cam- 
paign 218;  Presidents  plans 
for,  218  218;  tV.stlerea,?h 
offers  direct  negotiations, 
l«:  ^^'''■,^*''rJ^."f  War.  231. 
iiS,     (.allatiD-s    letter    to, 

!««•  "n'!-"^  President.  265- 
««6.    Cabinet.  267-68;    and 

Jackson  s  Florida  expedition. 
ie78;  on  recognition  of  South 
^™«"can  republics.  289  ^oi 
«83.  288-99;  influenced  by 
Jefferson  and  Madison.  299. 
'/m  J  message  to  Congress 
(Dec  2.  1823),  304.  305-07- 
wond    election     to     Presi- 

affairs.  310-11;  at  Oak  Hill, 
kkr  '^^*J'"  ^'831).  316; 
bibliography,  328 
Monroe  -'Doctrine.-  Adams 
formulafes,  303-05;  Mon- 
roes    expression.      805-06; 

Monticello,    Jefferson's   home, 
8.  7.  10-11.  314.  316 

nKr7?3it'"'"''^  '•""^ 

Morales.  Spanish  oflScial.  104 
Morning  Post,  quoted.  153 
Morns,  Gouverneur.  107 
Morris    Captain   R.   V..  com- 
mands Mediterranean  squad- 
roD.  38;  suspended,  40 


INDEX 


SS9 


Napoleon,     American     states- 
men   contrasted    with,    lO; 


secures  cession  of  Louisiana 
from  Spain,  58-62,  67;  and 
^anto  Domingo.  62-64,  67- 

67-08,  69-73;  cedes  Louisi- 
ana to  Lnited  States.  72-75- 
luo  .i***  Florida.  88-89." 
189-90;  controls  Central 
Europe.  152;  Berlin  decree. 
''"'-5'<-    158.   178;  Bayonne 

lo/.  J78.  Madison  and.  179- 

180;  defeat  at  Leipzig.  227. 
»4».  Europe  rid  of,  264 
National  Intelligniccr.  quoted. 

Naturalization.  Jefferson's  rec- 
ommendation   to    Congress. 

^*''^'  ^American.  Jefferson 
t„"„W^''^' ""'?'■'"  Tripoli- 
tan  War.  War  of  1812 

Navy,  British.  life  on  board 
Ship.  128;  press  gangs.  130- 

Nelson.   Admiral,  and   British 

navy,  128 
Nemours.     Dupont    de,    and 

l«uisiana  negotiations.  66 

«41.  242 

Ne^tral.hipp.-„,.,,,,,,ppj„^ 

Neuyille  Hyde  de.  French 
Mimster     at     Washington. 

New  England,  hostility  toward 
Jefferson.  23-26.  30;  Feder- 
alist   intrigues    in,    108-10- 

M,*^1P"*i5      (181«).      226.* 
232-33;    Hartford    Conven- 

Jj^^'^a^-SS:  bibliography  of 

federalism  in.  326-27 
New    Haven.    Jefferson's    ao- 

pointnient    of    Collector    of 

Port  of.  23,  25 
■New  Orleans.  Spanish  infend- 

ant  suspends  ripht  of  deposit 


840 


INDEX 


:m 


i.vM 


M:Ml 


;ll 


Hi  i  ^ 


:J:^4^ 


■  i' 


New  Orlean*— ron(inu«rf 
at.  68;  aim  of  envoys  to  pro- 
cure. 69;  as  part  of  Louisi- 
ana, 78;  Laussfit  at,  84-8.'J; 
Burr's  visit  to.  114-15; 
Wilkinson  and.  184.  123. 
1*6;  Jackson's  victory  at. 
838 

Niagara,  Fort.  British  propose 

cession  of.  850 
Nicholas.    Governor    W.    C, 

Jefferson  and.  315 
Nicholson,    Joseph,    and    im- 

peachment  of  Chase,  33 
Non-ImporUtion.  160;  Bill  of 

April  18,  1806,  147 
Non-Intercourse  Act,   168-69. 

174.  178.  179.  181,  313 
Nootka  Sound  affair,  66 
Northwest,  British  demand  for 

neutralization  of,  849-50 

Oak  Hill,  Monroe's  home.  314 
316 

Onis,  Luis  de,  Spanish  Minis- 
ter, and  Adams,  868;  pro- 
testa  East  Florida  occu- 
pation, 275;  negotiations, 
876.  881-84.  898;  and  Jack- 
son s  expedition.  877,  878. 
879 

Opelousas,  part  of  Louisiana, 

79 
Oregon  question,  893-94 
Orleant  Gazette,  quoted,  181 

Pacifists  of  1807,  144  et  neq. 
Paiae.  Thomas,  and  Jefferson, 

18;  New  England's  opinion 

of,  85 
"Palace.     The."     name     for 

President's  House,  7 
Paris.  Peace  of,  805 
Parish,  helps  government  loan, 

Pensacola  (Florida),  Seminole 
Indians  capture.  877 

Perceval.  Spencer.  British  Pre- 
mier. 818 


Perry.  O.  H  .  victory  on  Lake 
Erie.  887 

Philadelphia  (American  frig- 
ate), captured  by  Tripoli- 
tans,  40-41;  rescued,  48-43; 
destroyed  by  Americans,  43- 
46 

Pichon,  L.  A.,  French  Minister, 

15 
Pickering,     Judge,     impeach- 
ment, 33 
Pickering,  Timothy,  threatens 
secession  of  Northern  States. 
109.  110 
Pinckney,    Charies,    Jefferson 
and,  7, 18;  Minister  to  Spain. 
69.  90,  93-94,  95 
Pinkney,  William,  special  en- 
voy to  Great  Britain,   lii, 
149,  151;  Minister  at  Court 
of    St.    James,     158;    and 
American  embargo,  166;  on 
Jackson.  175 
Pisarro,    Spanish    Minister  of 

Foreign  Affairs.  880 
I  lumer.    Senator    from    New 
Hampshire,    on    Jefferson's 
hospitality,  17 
Pontalba,      memoir     adv.o.ug 
Napoleon  about  Louisiana, 
71-78,  105 
Porter,  P.  B.,  on  House  Com- 
mittee on  Foreign  Relations, 
199;  on  acquisition  of  terri- 
tory, 801 
Portugal,    Napoleon  occupies, 

Preble,  Commodore  Edward. 
51,  57;  commands  squad- 
ron in  Mediterranean,  40, 
58;  Bainbridge  corresponds 
with,  48,  188;  plan  to  de- 
stroy Philadelphia,  43,  44; 
attack  on  Tripoli,  47-50 

Preparedness.  157-59,  808- 
203 

President    (American   frigate). 

Little  Belt  affair,  186-87 
Prevost,  Sir  George,  invasion 


r 
I 


Prussia   Napoleon's  overthrow 
of,  1J2 


Quincy  Josiah.  Wi;  on  Madi- 
sous  (abinet.  ivj 

Raudolph.  John.  Jefferson  and, 
IN.  3«:  chairman  of  House 
Committee    on    Wa%s    and 
Means.  3«:  on  Florida  daims: 
»»:    opposition    to    Florida 
programme.       100-01;      on 
Jefferson's        proclamation, 
.143:     opposition     to     non- 
importation.   147:    Monroe 
and.  15*.  ni;  contest  with 
Clay  over  war.  809-10 

'*"Ki4  ''"•• '''  -^»-''- 

"Vr!°[38f  U«  °' '*"'"'' *^^^"*-  I 
Republican  party,  and  Feder- 
ansts.  5.  6:  and  preparedmss.  [ 

««'«nj7e  brings  European  news.   I 
159  I 

Rhode  Island  appoints  dele- 
gate  to  Hartford  Conven- 
tion,  234  [ 

Rochainbeau  succeeds  Leclerc 

in  hanto  Domingo.  70 
Kodgers.  Commodore  John,  in 

the  President,  186 
Rose.   George.   British  special 

envoy,  163-64 
Roumanzoff     Count.    Russian 

Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs. 

Rush  ienjamin,  Jefferson 

and.  . . 

Rush.  Kichard,  American 
Minister  to  Great  Britain. 
«»7.  «98,  300:  quoted.  307       i 


INDEX 


S41 

Russell.  Jonathan,  peace  com- 
missioner,  «W,  844,  Ml 

mediation  of.  «27,  444. 
American  envoys  to.  iS9:' 
closes  Bering  Sea.  «95:  and 
recognition  of  South  Ameri- 
can republics,  »9Si  Adams's 

sSHHoV-i^"'  *"•  "'-«'«• 

Sackett's  Harbor.  British  pro- 
pose cession  of.  MO 

WilV'"'     ^^°"'''     Arthur. 
Wilkinson  under.  II4 

*a/m  «<.frM/er  quoted,  134 
halcedo.    J.    M      ^e.    Spanish 

Governor,  delivers  Louisiana 

to  rrench.  86 
San  Ildefonso.  Treaty  of.  68 

03,  04.  67 

'7lSa.87t"''   "^"^'"«  '•" 
'''"PPing,    American.    Tripoli- 

tan  depredations.  S3:  British 

and  French  depredations.  54; 

obstructed  on  Mobile  River. 

97,  »ee  also  Mississippi  River 
Shipping      Ne.,tral.  '";3?-35 

l5S-S7see  also  Impressment 
Siren    (brig),    sails   Vith    I". 

trepid,  44 

^'loo'^^J"^"'!  ^<»"P'omise. 

309,  Jefferscrs  and   Madi- 

son  s  opinions  of,  310 
Smith.  John     Senator    from 

Smith  Vt"**  ?,""•"»•  "« 
S>mith,  Mrs.  Margaret  BavarH 

on  Dolly  MadK  I^rS 

hospitality    at    Montpelier? 

m   i'7«'  5?"<:t*'y  of  State, 
c    •'■.'  ':**•  dismissed,  183 

s!  173  '•  "'  **"y'«nd. 

Somers,  Captain   Richard,  on 
Intrepid,  49-40.  47  ' 


S4« 


INDEX 


n 


!'! 


♦  ;'&* » 


South  America,  revolutioni  in, 
iHO-87;  Clay  and,  M7-88; 
Adams  aod,  J88;  question  of 
recognition.  289.  290  et 
seq.;  bibliography.  328 

Spain,  cession  of  Louisiana  to 
Franc*",  58-8«.  67;  Monroe"* 
mission  to.  91,  94-97,  iOS; 
declares  war  with  England. 
'^6;  Jefferson's  message 
threatens  war  with,  07-08; 
Jefferson's  special  message, 
99;  Napoleon  attempts  to 
subdue,  190;  West  Florida 
revolts  from.  190;  see  alto 
East  Florida,  Louisiaua. 
Treaties,  West  Florida 

Staifl,  Madame  do,  friend  of 
GallaMn,  240 

SwartWv  'is.  Burr  aod,  113 

Talleyrand,  American  states- 
men compared  with,  10; 
French  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  59;  and  Louisiana. 
00,  07;  negotiates  with 
Livingston,  73;  on  Louisiana 
boundaries,  76-77,  87;  Mon- 
roe and,  91 

Taxation,  see  Finance 

Tecumseh,  Indian  confeder- 
ation, 206-07 

Texas,  Livingston  urges  seia,- 
ure  of,  90;  .Spanish  intrigue 
in.  104 

Thames,  Battle  of  the,  227 

Thurston,  Senator  from  Ken- 
tucky, Clay  serves  out  term 
of,  195 

Timet,  London,  quoted,  154 

Treaties,  Treaty  with  Tripoli, 
56;  Treaty  of  San  Ildefonso, 
62;  treaty  with  Spain  (1795), 
65,  114,  279;  negotiations 
with  Great  Britain,  148-49, 
151-52;  Peace  of  Paris.  205; 
Treat;  of  Greenville,  249; 
Fl<  rida  treaty,  282-84.  290- 
291.  292-93;  »ee  aUo  Ghent 


Tripolitan  War,  S8  rt  ttg.; 
depredations  on  American 
shipping,  S3;  tribute,  88; 
Pasha  of  Tripoli,  38;  bibli- 
ography, 321 

Tuyll,  Baron  de,  Russian  Min- 
ister, Adams's  communi- 
cations with,  215.  301-02, 
303 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  campaign 
manager  for  Clinton,  223 

\ermont.  Governor  refuses  to 
call  militia,  232 

Victor,  General.  French  com- 
mander. 83 

Viv6s,  General,  Spanish,  290. 
291,  292,  293 

VVadsworth,  Lieutenant  Henry 
on  the  Intrepid,  49 

War  of  1812,  demand  for  war. 
189  et  teg.;  Madison's  part 
in.  213  et  teg.;  making  of 
peace,  239  et  leq.;  bibli- 
ography, 324-25 

Washington.  George,  dignity 
of,  16:  and  Burr,  106,  107; 
Dolly  Madison  saves  por- 
trait of,  229 

Washington  (D.  C),  British 
invasion  of,  229-30 

Wayne,  Anthony.  Wilkinson 
I  nder.  114 

Webster.  Daniel,  memorial 
drafted  by.  222 

Welliiigton,  Duke  of,  on  con- 
t'nuationof  war,  257-58 

West  Feliciana,  part  of  West 
Florida,  79 

West  Florida,  question  of  in- 
clusion in  Louisiana  Pur- 
chase, 87-90;  Spanish  in- 
trigue in,  104:  revolt  in,  190- 
193;  annexation  of.  194-95; 
Cay  on  occupation  of,  196- 
198;  see  alto  East  Florida, 
Floridas 

Whitney.  Eli.  Jefferson  and.  12 


^^*i     I 


INDEX  848 


Whitworth,  Lord,  British  Am- 
bassador to  France.  70 

Wilkinson,  (ient-ral  JaineM,  re- 
ceives Louisiana  from 
French,  87;  in  Louisiana. 
lOi;  and  Burr's  conspiracy, 
ll.'j.llj,liil.i«;  character. 
114;  communications  with 
Washington.  lilO.  IW,  144; 
deserts  Hurr.  UH-iO;  arrives 
in  New  Orleans.  1«3;  Jeffer- 
son and.  158.  191;  occupies 
West  Florida,  i7S 

Williams.  David,  chairman  of 
House  Committee  on  Mili- 
tary Affairs,  iOO 


Wilson,  Woodrow.  method  of 
addressing  Congress.  SO 

Wirt,  William,  quoted.  iSS- 
«»«;  Attorney-(iene.-al.  ««T- 
MH 

York  (Toronto).  General  Dear- 
born burns  public  buildinss. 
MO  (note) 

Yruio.  C.  M.,  Marquis.  Span- 
ish Minister,  and  Jefferson's 
etiquette.  14- 15;  protests 
Mobile  Act,  M-9»,  84;  Burr 
conspiracy  revealed  to.  116 

Yusuf.  Pasha  of  Tripoli.  88, 
4*J 


